Skip to main content

Full text of "Akbar And The Jesuits"

See other formats





OF PERO TAFUR, 1435-1439 










PuMshed hy 



About the year 1602 









Translated with Introduction 
and Notes by C, H, Payne 





First pubhshed tn X926 




The early Jesuit missionaries wrote so sparingly and 
withal so modestly of their adventures by sea and land 
that we are unaccustomed to think of them as tra- 
vellers. Yet few men of their day have a better right 
to the designation; while one at leaSt of them is 
entitled to a place amongst the foremoft travellers of 
the world. We point with pride to the narratives of 
Fitch, Hawkins, Coryat, Roe, and other of our mer- 
chant heroes who, in the opening days of the seven- 
teenth century sowed the seeds of British influence in 
the Eaft ; and the daring and enterprise pf these Sturdy 
pioneers may well kindle our admiration. But they 
went nowhere where the Fathers had not been before 
them. The latter were, in fa6l, the fir^l, and with the 
exception of Ralph Fitches flying visit to the court of 
Jahangir in 1585, the only Europeans who found their 
way into the Mogul empire in the sixteenth century. 
Moreover, theirs was no flying visit. They spent more 
years at Akbar's court than the others did months, and, 
in the course of their missionary labours, traversed his 
dominions from end to end, from Lahore to Kabul, 
and from Kashmir to the Deccan. It mu^ be allowed, 
therefore, that they are fully qualified for admission 
even into so distinguished a company as the Broadway 



I have dealt in the Introduftion with the charafter 
and scope of Father du Jarric's HiSloire^ the manner 
of its composition, and the nature and value of the 
historical teftimony which it furnishes. I need only 
add, or rather repeat, here that its peculiar value lies 
in the fad that it reproduces or faithfully summarises 
nearly all the mo^ valuable of the letters of the mis- 
sionary Fathers written prior to the year 1610. The 
inaccessibility of these records adds greatly to the 
value of du Jarric's work. The original Jesuit letters 
are jealously preserved and widely dispersed. Age has 
rendered many of them almo^ illegible; while their 
translation demands an extensive acquaintance with 
the languages of medieval Europe. Even such of 
them as have been translated and published in English 
have a limited and exclusive circulation, and are acces- 
sible only to those who live within reach of one or 
other of the few libraries in which they are to be found • 
It is not surprising, therefore, that the contents of 
these letters are little known, and that Jesuit 
teftimony has hitherto received little attention at the 
hands of the historian. 

Du Jarric's HiSloire is as scarce and inaccessible as 
the records on which it is based. A gap of more than 
two and a half centuries separates the only two English 
writers who make any considerable reference to it. 
The fir^t of these was John Ogilby, whose description 
of the kingdom of * Mogor \ contained in the fir^ 
volume of his Asia^ published in 1673, includes 
numerous references to * Jarrick \ and quotations 
from his book. The other was the late Mr Vincent 



Smith, who used the Hiifoire as one of his authorities 
for the later years of Akbar's life. Count von Noer 
made use of the fir^l two volumes of the HiSloire in 
writing his Kaiser Akhar^ but never saw the complete 
work, which appears to be as little known on the 
Continent as it is in England, 

It was my original intention to translate the whole 
of that portion of the HiSloire which relates to the 
Mogul empire. But the undertaking proved a longer 
and more arduous one than I had anticipated, and as 
the death of Akbar seemed to provide a convenient 
halting place, I decided to confine myself to the reign 
of that emperor, leaving his successor to be dealt with 
in a subsequent volume, should my readers manife^ 
any desire for Father Pierre's further acquaintance. 
The account of the Missions to the court of Akbar, 
of which this is the fir^ English version, is based 
entirely on the letters and reports written by the 
Fathers while on service with the Missions. The firft 
eight chapters were compiled and published within 
six, and the remaining chapters within nine years 
of Akbar*s death. The account thus possesses all the 
value of a contemporary narrative; while it has an 
additional and unique claim to our attention as the 
earliest European description of the Mogul empire. 

A word as to the illustrations. These are reproduc- 
tions of the works of contemporary artifts, and are 
among^ the be^ extant examples of the Mogul art 
of the period. Nos. I and VIII are, I believe, the 
only two that have been reproduced before, Nos. 
Ill and IV are from a contemporary manuscript copy 



of the Akharnama of Abul Fazl, now in the Viftoria 
and Albert Museum, South Kensington. The 
manuscript, which bears Jahangir's autograph, is 
illustrated by more than a hundred paintings, 
executed by the court artiSls of Akbar's reign. The 
two here reproduced are intere^ing examples of the 
collaboration of two or more arti^s in the production 
of a single piflure, a common feature of the art of 
the period. No. V, which shows Akbar holding a 
New Year's Day durbar, is from an album which was 
looted from the library of the Rohilla leader, Hafiz 
Rahmat, by one of Shuja-ud-Daulah s sepoys, from 
whom it was purchased by a British officer. It came 
into the possession of the British Museum in 1858. 
Among the many interesting features of this pifture 
are the representations of the Sun, to whose worship 
Akbar was addicted, suspended on either side 
of the imperial pavilion. Four of the artists re- 
presented in my small gallery, namely Lai, San- 
walah, Madhu, and Muskin, are mentioned by Abul 
Fazl in the Ain-i-Akbari as ' among the forerunners on 
the high road of art I am much indebted to the 
Librarian of the British Museum Library, and to the 
Curators of the Indian Seftion of the Vidoria and 
Albert Museum, for the facilities afforded me in 
obtaining copies of these piftures. 

In the case of proper names, I have preserved the 
spelling of the original French version of the HiSIoire^ 
from which my translation has been made. In many 
cases Eastern names and words are shockingly dis- 
torted, sometimes beyond all recognition. For this, 

• • • 



du Jarric is not to be held responsible. Possessing no 
knowledge of Ea^ern tongues, he could not do other- 
wise than follow the spelling of his authorities. 
Amongst the latter there was no uniformity, and 
consequently, in the pages of the HiSfoire^ a particular 
name does not always wear the same disguise. Thus 
Akbar appears as ' Echebar * Achebar or * Aquebar ' : 
the king of Khandesh as * Miram or * Miran ' : Hin- 
dustan as * Indo^an or ' Indu^an ' : Kabul as ' Cabul 
or ' Chabul ' : etc. Even in the spelling of the names 
of the Jesuit Fathers there is no uniformity ; and we 
get such variations as * Monserrat ' and * de Mon- 
serrat', * Pignero ' and ' Pigneiro \ ' de Goes ' and 
* de Gois.' These inconsi^encies, however, are not 
without their value; for they afford considerable 
assi^ance in the identification of du Jarric's authori- 
ties, which in moSt cases are not named. In the notes, 
I have endeavoured to conform to modern principles ; 
that is to say, I have followed the spelling of the beft 
modern scholars, pleasing myself where they disagree. 
I have omitted all diacritical marks, as being un- 
necessary for those who are familiar with Oriental 

■ — w 

My grateful thanks are due to Sir E. Denison Ross 
for the intere^ he has taken in the produftian of this 
volume, as well as for much assistance both in the 
translation and in the preparation of the notes. I have 
also to thank Dr F. W. Thomas and Mr C. A. Storey 
for kind assistance in the solution of du Jarric's lin- 
guistic enigmas, and Mr E. Marsden for placing his 
valuable library at my disposal. I have given a liSl of 


the chief works I have consulted, to all of which I am 
beholden. I am under special obligations to Sir E. D. 
Maclagan's monograph. The Jesuit Missions to the 
Emperor Akhar^ equally valuable as a critical ^udy of 
the Jesuit campaign, and as a guide to the literature 
of the subjed: to the writings of the Rev. H. 
Ho^en, sj., particularly those relating to the works 
of Father Monserrate : and to the late Mr Vincent 
Smith's Akbar^ the Great Moguls a work of uneven 
value, but the mo§t detailed and comprehensive survey, 
so far attempted, of the reign of Akbar. Lastly, I 
desire to express my indebtedness to the Superintendent 
of the library of the British Museum for the help he 
has given me in tracing elusive authorities, and for 
permitting me the continuous use of du Jarric's 
HiSloire^ and numerous other scarce works, I know 
of no other library in which a complete copy of the 
original edition of the HiSIoire is to be found. 

C. H. Payne. 



List of Authorities . . . . xix 

Introduction . . . . . xxiii 


The early Moguls — Tamerlane — Babur — Humayun — Akbar^s 
conquests — Limits of his empire — Its fertility and wealth — 
Military strength — War-elephants — Personal appearance of 
Akbar — His temperament^ tastes^ and recreations — Methods 
of hunting deer — Public audiences — Administration of 
justice — Punishments , . . . 1-13 


Akbar' s first contact with Christianity — Antoine Cabral — Pierre 
Tavero — Father Julten Pereira — The priest and the 
Mullas — Akbar sends for Jesuit Fathers — The first Mission 
— Its composition y despatch^ and arrival at Fathpur — Favour- 
able reception at court — Debates with the Mullas — Their 
effect on Akbar . . . . 14-23 


Residence of the Mission — The royal Princes — Akbar visits the 
oratory — His leanings towards Christianity — Doctrinal diffi- 
culties — The ordeal by fire — Abul Fazl — Revolt in Bengal 
—The Kabul campaign — The Fathers lose favour — Akbar 
defends his Mullas . . . 24-34 




The Fathers regain Akbar^s favour — Hostility of the Saracens — 
The Mission breaks up — Father Rudolf alone at the Mogul 
court — His influence over Akbar — The MuUas seek hts life 
— His prayers and austerities — Loved and respected by all 
classes — His return to Goa ... 3 5-43 


Akbar celehates the feast of the Assumption — Displays his con- 
tempt for Islam — Leon Grimon arrives at court — Carries the 
King's letters to Goa — Jesuit Fathers again invited to the 
Mogul court — Arrangeme?its for their journey — Akbar' s 
letter to the Fathers — The Mission at Agra — Its failure and 
recall . . • . . 44-50 



Dispatch of third Mission — Arrival at Cambay — First fruits — 
Meeting zoith Prince Murad — Travelling with a caravan — 
At Ahmadabad — A Togi — A wonderful tomb — Pilgrims on 
their way to Mecca — The feast of the Passover — Arrival at 
Lahor ..... 5 1-6 1 


Welcomed by the King and the Prince — The King's library — A 
vassal Prince pays homage to the Great Mogul — Gifts fit for 
a king — Renewed hopes of the King's conversion — His rever- 
ence for Christianity and contempt of Islam — He founds a 
new religion— The Fathers open a school at Lahor — Tie 
King grants them permission to make converts . 62-71 





Akbar's eclecticism — The royal palace on fire — The Fathers 
accompany Akbar to Kashmir — The country described — 
Illness of Father Xavier and of the King — Famine — The 
return journey — Prince Salmis adventure with a lioness — 
Celebrating Christmas at Lahor — The Fathers pay a visit 
to Akbar — A strange experiment — Facing a storm — The 
price of baptism — The King^ accompanied by Father Xavier^ 
sets out for the Deccan — Public baptism of converts at 
Lahore — A brave proselyte . . ^ . 72-96 



Akbar marches to Burhanpur — Father Corst joins the Mission — 
His adventurous journey from Cambay to Burhanpur — The 
Deccan Campaign — The investment of Asirgarh — Sub- 
mission ofkingMtran — The Governor of the fortress commits 
suicide — The defenders are bribed, and the fortress is sur- 
rendered ..... 97-109 



Father Pigneiro comes to the royal camp — He pays his respects to 
the King — Akbar' s designs against the Portuguese — An 
ambassador is sent to the Portuguese Viceroy — His reception 
atGoa — Akbar* s letter to the Viceroy . . 110-117 



Work amongst the people — Opposition of the Brahmans — A 
friendly Viceroy — Father Ptgneiro as peace-maker — Vice- 
regal state — Mogul death duties — The Kotzoal stands by the 
Fathers ..... 118-121 

• • • 





Father Pigneiro entertains a thief unawares — He is drugged and 
robbed — His misfortune arouses general indignation and 
sympathy . . , . . 122-126 


Christmas celebrations — A pastoral play — The Ficeroy and 
other great lords attend the festival — Many are converted to 
Christianity — Some notable cases described — Some Armenian 
converts — Death of an Armenian bishop — An eclipse of the 
sun ..... 127-136 


A Brahman convert — Persecuted by his parents — Takes refuge in 
the Fathers^ house — The Fathers are charged with abduction 
— The Chief Judge acquits the Fathers and defends the 
Christian faith — The case is referred to Pagan judges — The 
neophyte is ill-used and insulted — He defies the * Coxi ' — Is 
taken before the Kazi — His courage remains unshaken — He 
resigns his worldly possessions, and is left in peace — The Chief 
Judge commends his constancy . , . I37"-ISI 


Akbar returns to Agra — Benoist de Goes joins the Mission — An 
unfriendly Viceroy — The King was in his counting-house ' 
— The Fathers obtain a farman from Akbar permitting Ms 
subjects to embrace Christianity — The Saracens put obstruc- 
tions in the way — Mogul red tape — A friend at court — The 
farman is issued . . . . 152-159 





A picture of the Madonna del Popolo is placed in the church at 
jigra — Great crowds press to see it — Its miraculous influence 
— // is taken to the King's palace — The King's painters try 
to copy it — The Queen-mother sends for it — Jlso Aziz Khan 
and the eX'king of Kandahar . . . 160—172 


The Fathers rescue and baptise a number of Portuguese prisoners — 
Some other noteworthy baptisms — The remarkable case of a 
Greek Christian and his wife — Fifty shipwrecked Portu- 
guese are sent as prisoners to Akhar — With much difficulty 
the Fathers procure their freedom . . 17 3-1 81 


The Prince in rebellion — Murders Abul Fazl — Displays great 
affection for the Fathers and respect for Christianity — 
Jacques Philippe — Death of the Queen-mother — The Prince 
makes submission to Akbar — Is placed in confinement and 
afterwards released — His reverence for Chnst and the 
Virgin — Makes provision for a church at Agra . 1 82-191 


Saracens and Gentiles make vows and bring offerings to the Firgin 
— A Saracen of note dedicates his child to the Church — The 
Princess physician is baptised — The perils of preaching the 
Gospel — Troubles at Lahore — The Viceroy^s hostility — A 
Gentile conspiracy — Providence intervenes — Retribution 
overtakes the Viceroy and the chief conspirators . 192-202 





Akbar^s fatal illness — The Fathers are refused admission to the 
palace — The Prince visits his dying father — Akbar^s last 
moments — His character and manner of life — His conquests 
and good fortune — Funeral rites , . 20 3-2 08 

Notes ...... 209-280 

Index ...... 281-288 


L Akbar at the Age of Sixty, {Wantage Collection, 
Victoria and Albert Museum^ Part of a group 
picture by the artist Manohar . . Frontispiece 


II. Title-page of the original Edition of the Histoire . xxxvi 

III. Akbar Hunting Antelope, {From a manuscript copy of the 

Akbarnama of Abul Fazl illustrated by contemporary 
painters, and now in the possession of the Victoria and 
Albert Museum, South Kensington^ Artists: Lai {out- 
line^, Sanwalah {painting) . . . .10 

IV. A Vassal Prince doing Homage to Akbar. {From the 

same source as the preceding?) Artists: Muskin {outline), 

S aria an {painting), Madhu {eight portraits') . . 64 

V. The Bargah-Nauroz, or New Tear's Day Darbar, 
(British Museum, Add, MS, 22470.) The picture 
is unsigned, Akbar {aged about 45) is surrounded by 
his chief officers of state, whose names are inscribed 
in tiny characters on their costumes. The seven figures 
on his right hand are {commencing from the left of 
the picture). Shaikh Faizi (/*), Asaf Khan, Abul 
Fazl, Aziz Koka, Raja Man Singh, the Khan- 
Khanan, and Aka Shah, The aged Todar Mai is seen 
on the right of the picture, with hands folded . . 74 

VI - Prince Salim attacked by a Lioness, {British Museum, 

StoweOr,j6,) Unsigned . . . 80 

VI I . The Magdalen. {Wantage Collection, Victoria and Albert 
Museum, South Kensington^ Copied from an Italian 
picture by one of Jahangir^s court artists . .190 

VIII. y ahangir shortly after his Accession, {Victoria and Albert 
Museum, South Kensington,) Part of a group picture 
by the artist Gov ardhan {f) . . . 204 

b xvii 

Abtjl Fazl. Akharnama. Translation by H. Beveridge. Publislied 
by the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Calcutta, X8975 &c. 

~ Ain-i'Akbaru Translation by H. Blochmann. Calcutta, 


Badaoni (Abd al-Kadir). Muntakhah-ut-tawarikh. Translation pub- 
lished by the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Calcutta, 1898, &c. 

Bartoli (Father Daniel, sj.). Missione al gran Mogor, Sec, Rome, 

Catrou (F. F.). a History of the Mogul Dynasty in India, London, 

Dalgado (S. Rodolfo). Glossdrio Luso-Asidttco, Lisbon, 1919. 

Danvers (F, C). The Portuguese in India. London, 1894.. 

De Backer (A.). Bibliotheque des icrivans de la Compagnie de ySsus. 
Paris, 1869. 

Bella Valle (Pietro). Travels in India, Hakluyt Society, 1892. 

De Sousa (Father Francisco, s.j.). Oriente Conquistado^ &c. Lisbon, 
' 1710. 

Elphinstone (The Hon. Mountstuart), The History of India, 
London, 1889. 

Faizi Sirhindi. Akharnama, Extracts translated in Elliot and 
Dowson's History of India ^ Vol. VI. 



Faria y Sousa (Manoel). TAe Portuguese Jsta. Translated by 
J. Stevens. London, 1695. 

FiRisHTA. Tarikk'i Firishta. Translated by John Briggs. 1829. 

Foster (Sir W.). Barly Travels in India, London, 1921. 

Frter Oohn). A New Account of East India and Persia, London, 

GoLDiE (Father Francis, sj.). The First Christian Mission to the 
Great MoguL Dublin, 1897. 

GuERREiRo (Father Femam, sj.). Relacam annal das cousas^ Sec, 
Fide Introduction, p. xxjdi. 

Guzman (Father Luis de, sj.). Historia de las Missiones, &c. 
Alcala, 1 60 1. 

Hay (John). De Rebus Japonicis, Indicis^ &c. Antwerp, 1605. 

Herbert (Sir Thomas). Some Yeares Travels into Divers Parts of 
Asia and Afrique, London, 1638. 

HosTEN (Rev. H., sj.). See Monserrate, Father A. 

Hughes (Thomas Patrick). A Dictionary of Islam, London, 1885. 

yAHANGiR. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, Translated by A. Rogers. London, 

Maclagan (Sir Edward). Jesuit Missions to the Emperor Akbar, 
Published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 
Vol. LXV. 

Mandelslo (J. A.). Voyages and Travels into the East Indies, 
London, 1669. 

Monserrate (Father Anthony, s.j.). Mongolica Legationis Com- 
mentarius. Published (with Introduction and Notes by the Rev. 
H. Hosten, s.j.) in thie Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of 
Bengal, Vol. Ill, 1914. 



MoNSERRATE (FatKei AntLonj, s.j.). Relagam do Bquebar, Pub- 
lished (with translation and notes by the Rev. H. Hosten, s j.) 
in the Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of 
Bengal, 19 12. 

MoRELAND (W. H.). India at the Death of Akbar, London, 1920. 

MuNDT (Peter). The Travels of Peter Mundy tn Europe and Asia, 
Hakluyt Society, 19 14. 

MuRRAT (Hugh). Historical Account of Discoveries and Travels in 
Asia, London, 1820. , 

NoER (Count von). Kaiser Akbar. Translation by Annette 8. 
Bevendge. Calcutta, 1890, 

Ogilby (John). Asia. London, 1673 

Oranus (Joannes). Japonica, Sinensidy Mogorana, &c, Li^ge, r6oi. 

Orme (Robert) . Historical Fragments of the Mogul Empire, &c. 1805. 

Peruschi (Giovanni Battista). Inform atione del Regno e Stato del gran 
Rk di Mogor, Brescia, 1597. 

PiMENTA (Father Nicolo, s.j.). Nova Relatio Historica de Rebus in 
India Oriental^ &c. Maintz, 1601. 

Exemplum Epistolae , . , ad R. P. Claudium Aquavivum. 

Maintz, 1600. 

koE (Sir Thomas). Embassy to the Court of the Great MogoL Hakluyt 
Society, 1899. 

Sewell (R.). a Forgotten Empire. London, 1900^ 

Smith (V. A.). Akbar, The Great MoguL Oxford, 1919. 

Spitilli (Gasparo). Brevis et compendiosa narratio missionumy &c. 
Antwerp, 1593. 

SuAu (Pierre). Les bienheureux martyres de Salsette. Bruges, 1893. 



Tavernier (Jean Baptiste). Travels in India. Translation by 
V. Ball. London, 1889. 

Teixeira (P. Pedro). Relaciones . , , de los Reyes de Persia, Sec. 
Amberes, i6ro. 

Terry (Edward). A Voyage to East India. London, 17 17. 

Thevenot (Jean de). Voyages and Travels (tr. Lovell). London, 

Varthema (Lodovico di). Travels. Hakluyt Society, 1863. 
Yule (Sir Henry). Cathay and the Way Thither. Hakluyt Society, 

Ai^D Btjrnell (A. C). Hobson-Jobson. London, 1903. 


Father Pierre du Jarric was born at Toulouse in 
1566. He entered the Society of Jesus in 1582, 
with the intention of becoming one of the mission- 
aries of the Order. This intention, owing to circum- 
^ances which were, apparently, beyond his control, 
he was never able to fulfil; and he spent the major 
portion of his life as professor of philosophy and 
moral theology at Bordeaux. He never ceased to 
regret his inability to engage in active missionary 
work; and his leisure and his pen were ungrudg- 
ingly devoted to the cause he had at heart. He 
died at Saintes in 16 17, three years after the com- 
pletion of the third volume of his HWoire. 

The following is the complete title of du Jarric' s 
magnum opus:'^ 

HiSloire des choses plus memorable advenes tant ez 
Indes Orientales^ que autres pais de la descouuerte des 
PortttgaiSy en T e^lahlissement et progrez de la joy Chres- 
tienne et Catholique: et principalement de ce que les 
Religieux de la Compagnie de ISsus y ontjaiSl^ ^ endurS 
pour la mesme fin; depuis quils y sent entrez jusques d 
Pav- 1600. [Le tout recueilly des lettreSy & autres 

r ^ Du Jarric's only other literary work was a translation from the 
Latin of Tke Soul's Paradise, by Albertus Magnus. It was entitled 
Le Paradise de rSm on Traiti des Vertus composi en latin par Albert 
le Grande et traduit en frangois {far P. du Jarric, de la Compapne , 
de Iesus)y and was publidied at Bordeaux in 1616 by S. Millanges. 



Hiifoires^ qui en ont e§li escrites cy deuant^ £s? mis en ordre\ 
far le P. Pierre du Jarric Tolosain^ de la mesme Com- 

In the titles to Parts II and III, the portion of the 
la^l sentence, which I have placed in brackets, is 
omitted, and is replaced in the former by the words 
Dediee av Roy tres-chreSlien de France £s? de Nauarre 
Lovis Xllly and in the latter by Dediee a la Royne 
Regente^ mere du Roy. Part I was dedicated to Henri IIII. 
In Part III the words depuis , . . 1600 are replaced by 
depuis Pan 1600 jusques a 1610. 

The HiSioire consi^s of three Parts, each containing 
two Books. Books I and II give an account of the 
life and work of St» Francis Xavier, and of the Missions 
in India (Travancore, Cochin, Calicut, Vijayanagar, 
Bengal, etc.), Pegu, and the Molucca Islands, down 
to the close of the year 1599. Books III and IV, i.e. 
Part II, give accounts, down to the same date, of the 
Missions in Africa (Congo, Angola, Monomotapan, 
etc.), Brazil, China, and the Mogul Empire; and 
Books V and VI, i.e. Part III, carry on the accounts 
of the same Missions, bringing them, in mo^l cases^ 
down to the year 16 10. The fir^ eight chapters of 
the translation contained in this volume belong to 
Book IV of Part II (Chapters VIIMV), and the 
remaining chapters to Book V of Part III (Chapters 

As its title indicates, the HiSioire is not an original 
account of the Jesuit missions, but a compilation. The 
circumstances in which it was composed, and the 
sources whence its materials were drawn, are thus set 



forth by the Compiler in his preface au le£ieur 
ChreSlien : 

' Although, dear reader, divers authors have written his- 
tories of the Eaft and the Weft Indies, very few of them 
have dealt with the progress of the Christian religion in those 
parts. Maffee^ has indeed written with as much judgment, 
eloquence, and accuracy, as any author of our time, an 
account of what the Portuguese have done in the Eaft and 
South, whether for the increase of their territories, or for the 
enlargement of the kingdom of Jesus-Chrift. But his history 
covers only 1 6 or 17 years of the preaching of the Holy 
Gospel; for it ends with the reign of John III, king of 
Portugal, who died in the year 1557; work of 

converting the Infidels did not commence before the year 
1540. Tursellin,^ again, has written very admirably and 
fully of the labours of the blessed Father Francois Xauier, 
who was the firft of all the Company of Jesus to preach the 
Chriftian faith in the Eaft. But he did not attempt more 
than this; and his account ends with the death of the blessed 
Father, which took place on the 2nd of December, 1552. 
There is, likewise, a Commentary on what has been done 

^ Joannes Petrus Maffeus, SJ. (i 536-1603), was one of the best 
of the Jesuit writers. He wrote in Latin, and pnded himself on the 
purity and elegance of hxs style. His two principal works are, Histori- 
arum Indicamm Libri XVI (Florence, 1585), and Vtta Ignatii Loyola 
(Venice, 1585). The first of these took twelve years to complete; 
but as the author is said to have spent hours, even days, in modelling 
a single sentence, the wonder is that he ever did complete it. So great 
was Maffeus* reverence for la belle Latinitiy that he used to repeat his 
breviary in Greek, so as to avoid contaminating his style. 

2 Tursellin, or Torsellino, was bom at Rome in 1545. His chief 
work, De Vita Bancti Francisci Xaverii, was published in 1595. He 
also wrote an Epitome of the history of the world, which, in 176 1, 
was publicly burnt in Paris by order of Parliament, as containing 
maximes dangereuses. 



in the Ea^t by those of the said Company, by Emmanuel 
Acofta,^ a Portuguese writer; but it is brief and condensed, 
and omits much that is to be found in the writings of MafFee, 
Tursellin, and others- Moreover, since his time, many note- 
worthy things have taken place in connexion with the effcib- 
hshment and progress of the faith in these lands, of which 
we should know little or nothing, were it not for the letters 
and reports which those of the Company have written almost 
every year to Europe. Although, however, these letters are 
from time to time printed in Latin, or other languages, there 
are many of them which have been seen only by a very few 

Since it would be no easy task to make a coUedlion of all 
these letters, while the labour of reading the many volumes 
they would fill would be very great, many who are anxious 
to inform themselves of the growth of Christianity in these 
countries have expressed the desire that some one should 
undertake a hiftory of the same. 

There came into the hands of our reverend Father Pro- 
vincial a history written in Spanish by the Father Louys de 
Guzman,^ entitled the Hilary of the Missions undertaken by 

^ Acosta's Hist, rerum a Soc, Jesu in Oriente gestarum was published 
in Paris in 1572. 

2 Luis de Guzman, a Spanish Father of great virtue, was bom in 
1 544, He joined the Society in 1 565, was Rector of many colleges, 
and had charge of the provinces of Andalusia and Toledo. He died 
at Madrid in 1605. His Htsioria, written in Spanish, was published 
at Alcala in 160 1. Its full title is : Historia de las Missiones de la 
Compania de Jesus^ para predicar el Sancto Emngelico en la India 
Oriental^ y en los Reynos de la China y Japon^ escrita por el Padre Luis 
de Guzman, Religioso de la misma Compania, The portion of the 
Historta relating to the Mogul empire gives a general sketch of the three 
Jesuit Missions to the court of Akbar. It is based on original Jesuit 
writings of the period, the contents of which are, however, much con- 
densed. The account will be found in Vol. I, pp. 240-271, of the 
Alcala edition. The second volume deals only with the Mission to Japan. 



the Religieux of the Company of yesus to preach the Holy 
Gospel in the EaE Indies ^ the Kingdom of China ; and this 
having been entrusted to me to translate into our language, 
I devoted to the work what little leisure remained to me 
after my daily leftures on theology. Now, as I came to read 
other histories treating of the same subjeft, I began to see 
that my author had made no reference to many important 
matters that were dealt with by the others; and being at a 
loss to understand this, and finding other difficulties also in 
his book, I wrote to him for enlightenment. Whether he 
ever received my letters, or whether he died before they 
reached him (his death took place soon after he became Pro- 
vincial of the province of Toledo), I do not know; in any 
case, I received no reply from him. I then addressed mjrself 
to a certain Father of Portugal, who, I had been told, was 
well versed in these matters. This was Father Fernand 
Guerreiro, who is at the present time Superior of the house 
of the Profes at Lisbon, and who has written three or four 
books in Portuguese treating of what has taken place in the 
Ea^t Indies since the year 1599, at which date the history of 
Guzman closes. Having received my letter, he not only 
answered, as I think very pertinently, the questions I asked, 
but promised to send me some books in which I should find 
information on many important matters, which would greatly 
enhance the value of my history. He added that his advice, 
and that of many other Fathers, as well as of certain laymen 
of learning and judgement, who had read the books of 
Guzman, was that I should take in hand the writing of a 
history, in^ead of confining myself to the translation of 
a single author; and he told me that he could supply me with 
books and memoirs which would greatly assift me in my task. 
This advice did not at firSl commend itself to me, partly 
because I did not think to have sufficient leisure to follow 
it, and pardy because I had already advanced far with my 
translation, having completed the fir^l four volumes, which 



cover all the^Missions except that to Japan; while many 
persons, to whose opinions I attached weight, having seen 
the greater portion of what I had translated, considered that 
the portion already completed should be given to the public, 
whilst the history of Japan was in preparation. 

It was ju^l when I had made up my mind to revise my 
translation, that the books and memoirs which had been 
promised to me arrived, Amongft them were some notes on 
the history of Guzman, made by Albert Laertius,^ an Italian 
Father, who is at present Provincial of India. These notes, 
which are in his own handwriting, I have made use of in 
many places, regarding them as very valuable; for he is a 
man of wide experience, who has lived long in these regions, 
and who was, as he himself ftates, an eye-witness of many 
of the events recorded. I likewise received, through the 
same channel, the letters received from Japan, commencing 
with the year 1549, when the rays of our faith firil shone 
upon that country, and ending with the year 1590, the whole 
printed in Portuguese in two large volumes. Another history 
which came to me contained, m ten Books, an account of 
what Father Xauier, and other Religieux of the same Com- 
pany, had done in India. This was written by a Portuguese 
Father, lean de Lucena,^ an accomplished writer, and, as his 

^ Albert Laertius (or Laerzio, as de Backer calls Him) was Pro- 
vincial of Malabar during tke early years of the 17th century. " The 
Province of the Indies {Provincta Indtcarum^ with headquarters at Goa) 
was spht into the Province of Goa and the Province of Malabar in 
1 6 10. Malabar had become a vice-Province in 1601, The latter 
division, writes Fr. L. Besse, SJ., had been negotiated in Rome by 
Fr. Alb. Laerzio, who returned to India in 1602 " {J.A,8,B., 1910, 
p. 44.6). 

" Jean de Lucena was born in 1548, and died in i6oo. His 
Historia da vida da Francisco de Xavter is still regarded in Portugal 
as a classic. Faria y Sousa, however, who cites Lucena as one of his 
authorities, remarks : " He sticks not to the rules of history, but in 
his way of writing deserves esteem for his judgment, elegancy, and 
way of reasoning " {^Asia Fortuguesa^ tr. J. Stevens, III, p» 437). 



work shows, a man well versed in both religious and general 
literature. Lazily, I received a number of books dealing with 
what has taken place in these regions since the year 1600, 
compiled from the letters which came therefrom, by the said 
Father Fernand Guerreiro, who, besides supplying me with 
these and other aids, and giving me much valuable advice, 
has continued to put into my hands the volumes he has pub- 
lished of the letters arriving year by year from India, so that 
I am now in possession of all of these down to the year 1606. 

As it became apparent to me from reading these books, 
that my author had omitted almo^ as many circumstances, 
both noteworthy and authenticated, as he had recorded; and 
finding too that Lucena, except occasionally and, as it were, 
en passant y confined himself to the life of the blessed Father 
Xauier, and that he dealt with the same at great length, 
including in it many discourses which, though very learned 
and excellent, seemed better suited to the requirements of a 
preacher than of an historian, I decided to follow the counsel 
of the Fathers of Portugal, and to take from one what was 
omitted by the other. I have, however, kept to the plan of 
my firft author, by means of which, it seemed to me, the 
growth of Christianity in each country, could be moSl easily 
followed^; but in regard to matters dealt with by both, I 
have preferred to rely on Lucena, since he had better oppor- 

^ In his Introduction du Jarric writes : * Or jacoit que nous 
suyuions I'ordre des temps en chaque contr^, de laquelle nous traictons 
icy, remarquans tout ce qu'il y a eu de plus signale, concemant le faict 
de la Religion, despuis que les nostras y ont mis le pied jusques en 
I'an 1600 : toutesfois pour doner plus de clart^ a I'Histoire nous auons 
jug^ qu'il seroit meilleur d'auoir esgard h. I'ordre des lieux. Car si 
nous faisions un meslange de tout ce, qui est arnv6 en une mesme annee 
au Japon, k la Chine, aux Indes, au Brasil, & autres pais icy comprins, 
come ont faict quelques uns, qui ont escrit les gestes des Portugais en 
tous ces quartiers Ik, ce seroit k mon aduis causer une merueilleuse 
confusion en I'esprit du lecteur, k raison de la grande distance des lieuy, 
desquels il faut parler ; & I'on ne pourroit pas si bien cognoistre le 
progrez que la reUgion Chrestiene y a fait en chacun d'iceux.' 



tunities of ascertaining the truth, having, as he himself saj^ 
had in his charge the authentic copies, made by order of the 
king of Portugal, lean III I, of the reports relating to the 
work of the blessed Father Xauier, as well as the originals 
of many of the letters from India, which are carefully pre- 
served in the College of Coimbra. In short, he had every 
facility for studying these documents ; and that he diligently 
availed himself of the same is manifest from his writings. He 
was, moreover, as his writings also show, well versed in 
cosmography; and I am informed that his History is highly 
eileemed in Portugal, and is accepted as an authoritative 

I have been the more emboldened to begin my task over 
again even at this late hour, seeing that — 2. circumstance that 
I deeply deplore — our ftudies have been interrupted by the 
contagious sickness which for some years has afflifted this 
city, and in consequence of which, I find myself with more 
leisure than I had anticipated. As for those who have urged 
me to publish what I have already translated, I think it 
better to keep them waiting a little longer, rather than offer 
them an imperfeft work. Nor will they lose anything 
thereby. For, besides the works of the beSl hiflorians, such 
as Osorius and Maffee, I have examined the yearly letters 
and reports which have come from these parts, from which, 
and particularly from those I have mentioned above as having 
been sent to me, I have drawn, with all the care and fidelity 
of v^rhich I am capable, the materials of which my hiSlory is 
composed. I can confidently assert that I have set down 
nothing in these pages which I have not derived from the 
works of approved authors, or from the letters of persons 
worthy of credit. My chief regret is that so rich a subjeft 
has not been dealt with by a worthier pen. But since the 
choice was not given to me, but rather the command, I hope, 
dear reader, that you will not judge too harshly the labours 
which have been undertaken on your behalf. If I know 



that what I have written has your approval^ I shall have the 
more courage to complete my ilory, in the continuation of 
which I shallj with God's help, tell you many things of no 
less interest than those here presented. Year by year, as the 
letters from the Indies arrive, I shall have a new dish to set 
before you, moving you thereby to praise continuously the 
Infinite Goodness that never ceases to work marvels on earth 
and in heaven/ 

The above refers more especially to Parts I and II 
of the HiSloirey which deal with events prior to the year 
i6oo. In a short preface to Part III, which covers 
the period i6oa-i6io, du Jarric mentions Guerreiro 
as his main authority, referring to him as a man ' of 
ripe and solid judgment, and very learned in these 
histories, who every two years has coUefted, and com- 
piled into a single volume, the letters from the Indies, 
to the great edification of those who desire to ^ludy 
the progress of the Christian faith in foreign lands. . . . 
Since the year 1 600, he has published 5 or 6 volumes 
which he has had the kindness to place in my hands, 
and from which, in the main, I have taken that which 
I have here set down in writing/ 

Stated briefly, therefore, du Jarric's authorities for 
events prior to the year 1 600, which include the three 
Missions to the court of Akbar,^ were Guzman's 

* The first Mission arrived at the Mogul court in 1580, the second 
in 1 591, and the third in 1 595. No definite date can be assigned for 
the termination of the third Mission. It was despatched in response 
to Akbar's request for ftirther instruction in the Christian religion, and, 
so far as this particuJar purpose was concerned, it can hardly be said 
to have extended beyond the dose of the century ; but the Fathers 
remained at the Mogul court, and continued their missionary labours 
for several years after the death of Akbar. 



HiBoria^ supplemented by the notes of Father Laertius, 
Lucena's life of St. Francis Xavier, and such of the 
materials supplied to him by Guerreiro as related to 
this period. The latter included many of the letters 
and reports received in Europe from those who 
organised and conduced the Missions. For the events 
of the succeeding eight years he relied almost wholly 
on the la^-named writer. Indeed, the third Part of 
the HiSioire is largely a translation from Guerreiro's 

A work on which so considerable a portion of the 
HiSloire is based calls for more particular notice. Of 
its author I have discovered nothing beyond what 
du Jarric tells us in his preface, and the few bare fafts 
given by De Backer in his Bihliotheque des Ecrivains de 
la Compagnie de Jesus^ namely, that he was born at 
Almodovar in Portugal in 1550, that he entered the 
Company of Jesus in 1567, and that he died in 1617 
having held many honourable po^ls. The work itself, 
the nature of which du Jarric has sufficiently in- 
dicated, consists of five parts, and covers the period 
1600— 1608. Its title is, Relafam Annal das Cousas 
que fizaram os Padres da Companhia . de Jesu nas 
partes da India Orientaly ^ em alguas outras da 
conquiSla deUe Reyno nos annos de [604 £sf 605], 
& do processo de conversam & ChriSfandade daquellas 
partes. Tirade das cartas dos mesmos Padres que 
de la vieramy pello Padre Fernam Guerreiro da mesma 
Companhia^ natural de Almodour de Portugal. It 
was published between the years 1 603 and 1 6 1 1 , as 
follows : 



Part I ( 1 600-1601) published at Evora by Manoel de Lyra in 1603 
„ II (1602-1603) „ Lisbon by lorge Rcxlrigues in 1605 
„ 111(1604-1605) „ „ by Pedro Crasbeeck in 1607 

„ IV ( 1 606-1 607) „ „ by „ „ in 1609 

„ V (1607-1608) „ „ by „ „ ini6ii 

Each Part is divided into Books. Part I consi^s of 
two, Part V of five, and each of the other Parts of four 
Books. A Spanish translation of Part I, made by 
Father Antonio Colago, S.J,, was published at Valla- 
dolid in 1604. The original work is of extreme rarity. 
The library of the British Museum has all five 
parts; and this is, I believe, the only complete copy 
of the work to be found in this country. The same 
library has Colago's Spanish version of Part I, of 
which there is also a copy in the library of All Souls 

Owing to its inaccessibility, the Relafam is prafti- 
cally unknown to students of Indian history. I have 
met with only two modern works in which it is referred 
to, namely Count von Noer's Kaiser Akhar^ and Mr. 
Vincent Smith's Akbar^ the Great Moguh Neither of 
these writers, however, had more than a fragmentary 
acquaintance with Guerreiro's work, and both, in 
consequence, came badly to grief in their references 
to it. In justice to von Noer, it mu^ be remembered 
that the second volume of Kaiser Akhar was published 
four years after his death, under the editorship of 
Dr. Gu^av von Buchwald, to whom his papers and 
notes were made over. It is, therefore, the latter writer 
who muft be held responsible for the mishandling of 
material which this volume reveals. Of the Relagamy 
c xxxiii 


a. portion of Part V appears to have been all that came 
into Buchwald's hands, and it would have been well 
for him if he had never seen even this. Knowing 
nothing of Guerreiro or his work, he mi^ook the 
Relafam for a personal narrative, and, what was far 
more disastrous, he failed to discover that the Mogul 
emperor depifted in this Part is not Akbar, but his 
successor Jahangir. Hence, in the fifth chapter of his 
book, he attributes to Akbar a method of sealing letters 
with the images of Christ and the Virgin which was 
invented and adopted by Jahangir after he became 
emperor; and on this impossible foundation he con- 
ftrufts an elaborate theory that Akbar regarded himself 
as of higher rank than Christ. In a subsequent passage 
(Chapter XI), he makes Akbar the chief speaker in a 
discussion on the divinity of ChriSl which took place 
two years after his death. This discussion he ante- 
dates by some twelve years, making it occur on the 
5th May, 1595, the date on which the third Jesuit 
Mission reached Akbar's court ; and not content with 
this, he makes Guerreiro himself, who was not a 
missionary and was never in the Ea^t, one of the dis- 
putants. The latter blunder is the more inexcusable 
since, in the fir^ volume of Kaiser Akbar^ the names 
of the Fathers who composed the third Mission are 
correftly Slated. His mistake in regard to the identity 
of the emperor, though much more serious, is less 
difficult to account for. In this Part of the Relagam^ 
Guerreiro does not mention Jahangir by name, but 
refers to him throughout as * el Rey.' The period 
dealt with (i 607-1 608) is Elated on the title-page ; but 



in a short extraft, unaccompanied by the title-page, it 
is quite possible there might be no a6hial clue to the 
identity of ' el Rey.' Mr. Vincent Smith's references 
are equally misleading and inaccurate. The moSt 
serious of his mis^atements is referred to in the notes 
at the end of this volume (vide p. 252). He would 
have avoided this particular blunder had he taken the 
trouble to glance through the fir^ few pages of Part I 
of the Relafam, Colago's Spanish version of which he 
had at his disposal ; whilst a single visit to the library 
of the British Museum, or even a reference to the 
catalogue, would have enabled him to write an accurate, 
inftead of an inaccurate, note on the scope of Guer- 
reiro's work and the form in which it was published. 
The perfunftory nature of Mr. Smith's inve^igations 
is the more a^onishing in view of the immense weight 
he attached to Jesuit teftimony. 

But to resume. The original French edition of the 
HWoire was published at Bordeaux (not at Arras, as 
erroneously Sated by Mr. Smith) in three quarto 
volumes, which appeared successively in 1608, 16 10, 
and 1614.^ It was produced by S. Millanges, 
Imprimeur Ordinaire du Roy, In 161 1, a new edition 
of Part II was published at Arras {chez Gilles Bauduyn), 
and was reissued by the same publisher in 1628, being 
entitled this time, Nouvelle HiSloire des choses^ &c. 
Part II was also published in 16 ii at Valenciennes 
(chez Jean Vervliet). It was a copy of this edition 
that was used by Count von Noer, when writing his 

* In some cases Part I also bears the date 1610. The illustrated 
title-page does not appear in the earlier issue of this Part. 



Kaiser Akhar (see Mrs. Beveridge's translation. Vol. I, 
p, 296). A Latin translation of the entire work, by 
M. Matthia Martinez, entitled Thesaurus rerum Indi- 
carum^ £5*^., was published in 1 6 1 5 at Cologne {Colonic 
Agrippin^e^ sumptibus Petri Henningy). The Thesaurus 
is bound both in four, and in two volumes. In the 
former case, Books V and VI, which are considerably 
longer than the earlier Books, are in separate volumes ; 
and in the latter case, the fir^ volume contains Parts I 
and II, and the second contains Part III. The illus- 
trated title-page of the Bordeaux edition is reproduced 
in the Thesaurus. The subjefts represented are the 
martyrdoms of seven Fathers who gave up their lives 
on the mission field. 

Both the French and the Latin versions of du Jarric's 
work, more especially the former, are extremely scarce, 
though not to the extent imagined by Mr. V. A. Smith 
(see his Akhar ^ p. 468), who was evidently unaware 
that in the library of the British Museum, du Jarric 
is represented by no less than eighteen volumes. These 
include two copies of the original Bordeaux edition, 
complete in all three Parts ; a copy of the Arras edition 
of Part II, published in 161 1, and of the reprint of 
the same issued in 1628 ; two complete copies of the 
Thesaurus^ one in four volumes and the other in two ; 
another copy of the former, but lacking the third 
volume (i.e. Book V), and another copy of the firft 
volume only. Of the two copies of the Bordeaux 
edition, one has been rebound, the other is in the 
original binding. The latter has the arms of the Rt. 
Hon'ble Thomas Grenville on the inside of the cover, 






caiit ez Indcs OnctitaJck , c^uc 
, y auires pais dz U dcicouucne . 

Ccwj^^gnu: lie I » » V Y tmi ijic » ft 
cMuri pour la mttiUb t n» 

de I rjTite k de Natorte 


iit *) ^ ''JK t ' * ' .-i'.^ 


[face p xxxoi 


and on a slip of paper attached to the fly-leaf of Vol. I, 
the following words are written in ink : " The 3rd 
volume is so scarce that it is said no other copy is to 
be found in this country except in the library of Lord 
Bute. The same work is translated into Latin. I have 
a copy of it.'* The incomplete copy of the Thesaurus 
mentioned above is also Clamped with the Grenville 
arms, and is evidently the copy referred to on the slip. 
The Bodleian Library has the fir^ volume of the 
Bordeaux edition, and a copy of the Thesaurus in four 
volumes. There is also a copy of the latter in the 
library of the India Office. 

The Thesaurus has no independent value. Its 
importance lies in the scarcity of the original work. 
It is, on the whole, a faithful translation, though by no 
means free from inaccuracies. To some of these I have 
drawn attention ; but I have come across others ; and 
I have little doubt that, if a careful comparison of the 
two versions were made, a good many more would be 
brought to light. Mr. Vincent Smith, who made 
extensive use of du Jarric's work in his Akbar^ relied 
mainly on the Latin version, and was * let down * more 
than once in consequence. 

Du Jarric, as is plain from his preface, makes no 
claim to rank as an hiftorian, or a man of letters. His 
HiBoire is in no sense an original work, nor is it a great 
literary achievement. It is, from firft to laft, a com- 
pilation, a series of extrafts and ab^lrafts from the 
writings of others. Its importance consists in its being 
an accurate reproduftion of a large ftore of firft-hand 



evidence, much of which is not available elsewhere. 
Other writers made coUeftions from the Jesuit records ; 
but du Jarric not only coUefted on a more extensive 
scale, but wove his materials into a series of continuous 
narratives, covering the whole field of Jesuit missionary 
enterprise in the sixteenth, and the opening years of 
the seventeenth centuries. I have compared the 
chapters relating to the Mogul Empire with the 
corresponding portions of the HiSloria of Guzman, 
the Relafam of Guerreiro, and with such other of 
the Jesuit writings used in their composition as I have 
had opportunities of consulting; and in every case I 
have found that du Jarric used his authorities with 
fidelity, either literally translating, or carefully sum- 
marising. Except for an occasional reflection, or 
moral * aside,' he never obtrudes himself on his 
readers. Errors of translation are here and there to be 
met with ; but in a work covering close on two thou- 
sand five hundred quarto pages, compiled from 
materials written in at lea^ four different languages, 
and available in many cases only in manuscript form, 
our wonder is, not that du Jarric made errors, but that 
he made so few. 

In e^imating the hiftorical value of the HiSloire it is 
necessary to bear in mind the purpose of the compiler, 
and the nature of the materials he had at his disposal, 
as well as the faft that accuracy of reproduftion is not, 
in itself, a guarantee of the accuracy of the information 
reproduced. We may safely assume that du Jarric 
exercised as much care in the seleftion, as in the use 
of his authorities ; but his choice was naturally deter- 



mined by the objeft he had in view, which was to 
compile a hiftory of the Jesuit Missions, not of the 
countries in which they were located. In defining the 
scope of his undertaking, he is careful to disclaim any 
intention of dealing exhaustively or precisely with the 
events and affairs of the outside world. In his avant 
propos (Part I, p. lo) he writes: ' Quant aux faifts- 
d'armes, & autres affaires d'eftat, nous n'en traifterons 
point, sinon qu'il soit necessaire, pour entendre les 
choses qui concernent la religion : parce qu'il y a beau- 
coup d'autres qui se sont employez i cela avec grande 
louange & fidelity.' His Hiifoire^ therefore, is essen- 
tially a religious work, religious both in theme and 
treatment; and as such, and not as a treatise on 
general hiftory, it muSl be regarded. 

The account here reproduced of the Missions to 
the court of Akbar, is based on the letters of the 
Fathers by whom the Missions were condufted, and 
the reports sent to the General of the Society at Rome 
by the Provincials at Goa. The Fathers who resided 
at the Mogul court were men of learning and culture, 
and in moSl cases accomplished writers. They were 
also keen, shrewd, and, as far as their religious preju- 
dices permitted, sympathetic observers. Had they, 
therefore, chosen to devote more attention to, and to 
write more fully of, the concerns of the empire, their 
letters would have held a place amongft the moft 
valuable and the moft authoritative of the world's 
hiftorical records. But it was no part of their business 
to coUeft materials for a hi^ory of the reign of Akbar. 
Their mission was to convert that monarch to Chris- 



tianity, and to sow the seed of the Gospel in his 
dominions ; and to these aims their interests and their 
energies were almost wholly confined. 

The range of their outlook naturally determined the 
range of their letters. These were written for the 
purpose of keeping the superiors of their Order in 
touch with the Missions, and informed as to the 
progress that was being made. They may, in faft, be 
described as progress reports, or colleftively, as 
* official correspondence.' The references they con- 
tain to the public ajffairs of the day are, in consequence, 
few in number, and relate, with rare exceptions, only 
to circumstances that came under the personal obser- 
vation of the writers, or had a direft bearing on their 
lives, or the work of their calling. The information 
contained in such references is sometimes detailed and 
of great value : in other cases, and these are unfortu- 
nately the more numerous, it is disappointingly meagre 
and vague. In regard to matters that had no bearing 
on les choses qui concernent la religion^ the Fathers were 
either altogether silent, or merely passed on, for what 
they were worth, any odds and ends of information 
that chanced to come their way. 

For the Student of Indian hi^lory, however, the out- 
ftanding interest of du Jarric's compilation lies not so 
much in the references it contains to contemporary 
events, as in the intimate light it sheds on the charafter 
and mind of Akbar, in the portraits it presents of the 
royal Princes and other notable figures of the time, 
and in the insight it affords into the general conditions 
of life under Mogul rule. 



The Fathers had abundant opportunities of ^udy- 
ing Akbar. Besides occupying a privileged position 
at the imperial court, they were in frequent and close 
attendance on his person. At the public assemblies 
they were assigned places very near his throne : they 
accompanied him on his campaigns: they educated 
his children : and they were often the companions of 
his leisure hours. On the occasions when they visited 
him in private, he frequently laid aside all reserve, 
opening, and even unburdening his heart to them, and 
discussing freely and frankly the various problems of 
life on which, in his more serious moments, he was 
wont to ponder. As a result of such con^ant and 
familiar intercourse, the Fathers came to know Akbar 
very thoroughly. They saw him in every variety of 
mood, and watched his behaviour under every variety 
of circumstance; and their impressions of him from 
one aspeft or another, which are scattered through 
du Jarric's pages, make up a likeness that is at once 
complete and intimate. The odium theologicum has, it 
is true, left its lines across the pifhire ; but these are 
too unmiftakable to interfere seriously with our view : 
we see the real Akbar behind them as plainly as we 
see the Hon through the bars of his cage. 

Hardly less intimate is the portrait we get of Prince 
Salirn ; indeed, during the later chapters of his narra- 
tive, the beam of du Jarric's searchlight plays oftener 
on the Prince than on the King. If the portrait in 
this case interefts us less, it is not through any fault 
in the drawing, but because the subjeft of it is less 
worth Studying. From time to time, the beam traverses 



the great hall of audience, reeling momentarily oi 
other notable personages. Of these, especially of sue] 
men as Abul Fazl and Aziz Koka, we could have beei 
well content to see more, and of the Prince less. Bu 
to the Fathers of the third Mission, the latter was th 
moSt important person in the empire. The goal o 
their desires was to see a Christian prince seated oi 
the Mogul throne; and as the prosped of Akbar'; 
conversion waxed dim, their attentions and their eifFort 
became more and more concentrated on the son whc 
was to succeed him. 

Our glimpses of the world outside the purlieus o 
the court become more numerous as the ^lory pro 
ceeds ; for it was only after the despatch of the thirc 
Mission, that the spreading of the Gospel among^ th( 
people at large was seriously taken in hand. A con 
siderable portion of du Jarric*s account of this Missiot 
is devoted to Glories of conversions, baptismal cere 
monies, religious fe^ivals, and other circumftancei 
illu^ating the work of evangelization, the progres! 
made, and the difficulties encountered. These Tories 
though sometimes confused and rambling, and though 
the intereS: attaching to the incidents they describe ij 
mainly religious, have a very real hi^orical significance 
As contemporary records, they are redolent of the 
atmosphere of the period. They familiarise us witt 
the common sights and the little everyday occurrences 
which are seldom part of the ^ock-in-trade of the 
professional hi^orian, but which do more than any- 
thing else can do to bridge the gulf between the 
present and the paft. Incidentally they bring us intc 



touch with the admini^rative machinery of Akbar^s 
kingdom, and introduce us to various types of ^ate 
officials, such as Viceroys, Nawabs, Kotwals, Kazis, 
Eunuchs, etc., shedding many interefting sidelights 
on the duties they performed, and on the manner in 
which the law of the land was administered. At the 
same time they illu^rate, better than any other part 
of the Hi§loire^ the daily life and surroundings of the 
humbler classes of the people. 

It is, therefore, as a guide to the spirit rather than 
to the events of the time, to the characters of men 
rather than to their aftions, that du Jarric's account of 
the Missions to Akbar merits a high place amongft 
our authorities for the hi^ory of India. These were 
matters on which the Jesuit Fathers, both on account 
of their training and of their opportunities, were 
eminently qualified to enlighten us, and on which they 
wrote with knowledge gained from personal observa- 
tion and experience. The scarcity of contemporary 
accounts of India in the days of Akbar lends additional 
importance to their letters, which not only give us 
information unobtainable from other sources, but con- 
tain the earliest impressions of the Mogul empire ever 
recorded by European writers; for the Fathers were 
the firft, and with the exception of the English traveller 
Ralph Fitch, the only Europeans who visited Northern 
India in the sixteenth century. The letters likewise 
contain a considerable amount of miscellaneous infor- 
mation about current events. But, as already pointed 
out, the attitude of the Fathers towards the general 
affairs of the empire was one of indifference; and 



on this account, and for the reasons previously given, 
the HWoire^ in so far as it relates to the aftion of the 
political drama of the period, needs to be read and used 
critically, and with caution. 

The termination of the third Mission to the court 
of Akbar marked the close of the fir^l and moft inter- 
esting phase of the Jesuit campaign in Northern India. 
Whilst the Missions were in progress, the political 
element, which entered so largely into the later phases 
of the movement, though present, was in abeyance; 
and the Fathers who had charge of the Missions de- 
voted themselves, as I have said above, almost 
exclusively to the work of evangelization. It may be 
presumed that, from the outset, they were expefted to 
do anything they could to further the interefts of their 
country at the Mogul court, and to pass on to Goa any 
information likely to be of use to the Portuguese 
authorities ; but we have only to read the letters they 
wrote during this period to realise how completely 
their religious duties outweighed these and all other 

The Portuguese authorities, whether at Goa or 
Lisbon, were by no means lacking in missionary zeal. 
Though fully alive to the political advantages which 
might accrue from the conversion of Akbar, they 
welcomed his appeal for inftrudtion in the doftrines 
of Chri^ianity as much for the religious as for the 
political opportunities which it offered; and had 
Akbar's conversion been a matter of no political con- 
cern whatever to them, we need not doubt that the 



Missions would ^till have been despatched. It has 
been maintained that the Portuguese had, from the 
fir^t, no belief in the conversion of Akbar, and that 
the objeft of the Missions was entirely political, I 
think du Jarric's narrative will convince the reader 
that neither of these views is tenable. There was both 
a religious and a political motive behind the Missions ; 
and the existence of the latter in no way implies the 
insincerity of the former. As Mr. W. H. Moreland 
has rightly pointed out, it is this combination of 
religious and political motives which * is the key to 
the activities of the Portuguese during the sixteenth 
century, and much of their conduft which is inex- 
plicable from the traders* point of view finds an excuse, 
though not always a justification in the missionary zeal 
by which the rulers of the country were distinguished ' 
{India at the Death of Akbar^ p, 200), 

Akbar's attitude towards the Missions closely re- 
sembled that of the Portuguese authorities. Like them, 
he was influenced by both religious and political 
motives, and the former were quite as Strong and real in 
his case as in theirs. In his case, too, it may confidently 
be said, that if all political inducement had been lack- 
ing, he would Still have invited the Fathers to his 
court. The Missions, however, did offer him political 
advantages, and he naturally welcomed them none the 
less on that account. Chief amongSt these were the 
opportunities, or excuses, which they afforded him of 
sending letters and farmans to Goa, the bearers of 
which were able to bring him much useful intelligence 
regarding the State of affairs in the Portuguese settle- 



ments, towards which he had long been cabling 
covetous eyes. 

It cannot be said that Akbar's motives did him great 
credit, in as much as they were direftly ho^ile to those 
whose friendship he was cultivating; but their base- 
ness was appreciably discounted by the faft that he 
took little or no pains to conceal them. Looked at 
from his own point of view, his ho^ile attitude was 
neither unnatural nor unprovoked. As a race he held 
a high opinion of the Portuguese: he was Wrongly 
attrafted by their religion ; he admired their civiliza- 
tion ; and he took delight in the society of their learned 
doftors. At the same time, he regarded them as 
intruders. Their domination of the Indian seas was a 
constant oiFence to him, and was rendered the more 
intolerable by the humiliating control which it enabled 
them to exercise over his maritime ventures. More 
than all, he resented their settlements on the outskirts 
of his territories, which effeftually barred his access to 
the We^l Coaft ports. In short, the Portuguese were 
a very troublesome thorn in Akbar*s side, and one of 
the deare^l wishes of his heart was to turn them neck 
and crop out of India. 

The open participation of the Jesuit missionaries in 
political concerns commenced with the efforts made by 
the Fathers Xavier and Pinheiro to fru^rate the plans 
of the English merchant-adventurer, Mildenhall, who 
visited Akbar's court in 1603, with the objeft of 
obtaining trading facilities for himself and his country- 
men. In the reign of Jahangir, their employment in 
affairs of a kindred nature became a matter of course. 



For this, the Portuguese authorities at Goa were mainly 
responsible. The aim of Portugal's Eaftern policy at 
this period was not the acquisition of new territories, 
but the extension of her commerce ; and the chief item 
in her programme was the capture, or, failing that, the 
control, of India's trade with Europe. It was a policy 
of greed; and its success depended on the ability of 
the Viceroys at Goa to win and retain the good-will of 
the Great Mogul, and to prevent its extension to other 
European countries. For the purpose of influencing 
the mind of the Emperor the Fathers were in a position 
of peculiar advantage; and hence it was largely on 
them that the task of securing these essential conditions 

The use thus made of the Fathers, while it did little 
to retard the decay of Portuguese commerce, was 
wholly detrimental to the cause of the Gospel. What- 
ever progress that cause had hitherto made was the 
direft outcome of the purity of life, the singleness of 
purpose, and the fearless devotion exhibited by the 
pioneers of the missionary campaign. Such qualities 
have always commanded admiration in India; and it 
was their possession in a pre-eminent degree by 
Monserrate and Rudolf Aquaviva that enabled those 
Fathers to win the heart of Akbar, and the respeft of 
his subjefts, whether Moslim or Hindu. But a con- 
tinuous supply of men of this ftamp was not to be 
looked for; and the Fathers who followed them, 
though equally zealous for the spread of the faith, were 
not endowed with the same saintliness of charafter; 
while the work they were called upon to do in the 



political arena, and, it may be added, in a very i 
savoury corner of that arena, was not conducive to t 
display of the nobler Christian virtues. The Tories 
Jesuit intrigues told by Mildenhall, Hawkins, Fin< 
and other travellers who found their way to the coi 
of the Great Mogul, are probably overdrawn; h 
when all due allowance has been made for the bias 
the writers, they leave little room for doubt that, 
their endeavours to outwit these intruders, the Fath( 
had frequent recourse to measures which sorted 
with their religious calling, and which mu^ have do 
much to discredit the Chri^ian faith in the eyes of t 
people. From the time the Fathers openly assum 
the r61e of political agents, their religious influen 
began steadily to wane. In the reign of Shah Jahi 
its decline was rapid ; and before the end of the reij 
of Aurangzeb it had ceased to exi^l. 



Akbar and the Jesuits 

Akbar, the Great Mogul 

THIS beautiful, rich, and spacious province, 
which the Romans called India citerior^ or 
India intra Gangem (India on this side of the 
Ganges), and which we call Indo^an, is to-day in the 
possession (at lea^l, for the moft part) of a powerful 
monarch who is generally known as the Great Mogor,^ 
his ancestors having been termed Mogores by the in- 
habitants of that part of India which fir^l came under 
their sway. 

This monarch is of the lineage of the great Tamerlan, 
or Tamberlan, the Tartar king whom men have called 
the scourge of God ; the same who, having made war 
upon Bajazet, the emperor of the Turcs, and firft of 
that name, defeated him in a pitched battle, and having 
taken him prisoner, kept him, like some wild bird, in 
an iron cage, and fed him as though he had been a dog 
with the remnants from his own table. Similarly, when 
he wished to mount his horse, he compelled his captive 
to offer his back as a mounting-ilep, and for this pur- 
pose led him whithersoever he went by a chain of iron, 
or, as some say, of gold.® 



From this man was descended, in a diredl male line, 
he of whom we are about to speak. He was the 
seventh descendant [sexiesme nepueu^"] of Tamerlan, or, 
as others say, the eighth king after him, which means 
the same thing. He was born in the province of 
Chaquata [Chaghatai],^ which extends on the south to 
Indo^an, on the weft to Persia, and on the north to 
the country of the Tartars, Howbeit, the inhabitants 
resemble Turcs rather than Tartars or Persians, and, 
for the mo^l part, they speak the language of the 
former, though not with the elegance and purity of 
the Turcs themselves. The gentlefolk, and others who 
follow the court, speak Persian, but their pronunciation 
differs from that of the Persians, and they use many 
foreign words. This king had a brother who was 
prince, or king of Cabul,^ a kingdom lying to the 
north of Cambaya, between Persia and India, and 
which is believed by many to be the Arachosia' of the 
ancients. This is the sole kingdom which the succes- 
sors of Tamberlan have retained in their possession, 
having been driven from all the other kingdoms, 
provinces, and principalities which their ance^ors had 
conquered, though they afterwards regained some of 
these which they now hold, with the addition, as we 
shall presently see, of other newly acquired territories. 

The immediate successors of the great Tamberlan, 
lacking the spirit and prowess of their anceftor, were 
unable to resist the repeated onslaughts of the Patanes 
(who are the same as the Parthes), and, in the end, 
were expelled from all their inherited possessions 
except the province or kingdom of Cabul. But the 



great-grandchildren and successors of the same, find- 
ing themselves driven to bay in a small corner of their 
ance^ral domains, turned so fiercely on their enemies 
that they not only drove them from the countries of 
which they themselves had been dispossessed, but 
made themselves mailers of all that now comprises 
the kingdom of the Great Mogor. 

It was the king Baburxa [Babur Shah], grandfather 
of him of whom we are speaking, who invaded this 
part of Indoftan, and driving the Parthes before him, 
confined them to the islands of Bengala.^ But on the 
death of Baburxa, the Parthes regained their courage, 
and made fierce war upon his son Emmaupaxda 
[Humayun Padshah], attacking him with such vigour 
that he was driven back with dishonour to Cabul. 

Seeing that he had no force capable of residing such 
powerful enemies, Emmaupaxda appealed to the king 
of Persia^ to aid him in the recovery of his elates and 
seignories. The Persian promised him assistance, pro- 
vided that he was willing to embrace the law of 
Mahomet as taught by Hali,^^ which the Persians 
follow. Emmaupaxda having accepted this condition, 
the Persian king sent him many thousands of soldiers, 
with whose aid he recaptured all his father's posses- 
sions, driving the Parthes from every part of the Mogor 
kingdom. He was succeeded by him who is the sub- 
jeft of our present inquiry. The name of this king 
was Echebar, or, as some call it, Achebar, but, as we 
shall see, he ftyled himself in his royal letters, Mahumet 
Zelabdin Echebar [Muhammad Jalalu-d din Akbar]. 

Echebar continued the war which his predecessor 



had waged again^l the Parthes (or Patanes, as they are 
now called in India). He invaded the kingdom of 
Bengala, of which they had taken possession, expelling 
them from all but a few islands ; though, as we shall 
see, they subsequently gave him much trouble. He 
next captured Cambaya, and after that many other of 
the kingdoms of Indo^lan. He continued his con- 
quests as long as he lived, so that his sway extended 
almoft to the territories of the kings of Narsinga, 
Calecut, and other countries bordering the sea, even 
to the Island of Goa, so that he was greatly dreaded 
in all these lands. His court was attended by many 
kings, some of whom he had reduced by force of arms, 
while others had tendered their submission voluntarily, 
that they might not be deprived of their kingdoms. 
Sometimes as many as twenty kings were to be seen 
at his court, each having the right to wear a crown, 
and the leaft of whom was as powerful as the king of 
Calecut. Besides these, there are many others who 
ftay in their kingdoms, and who, in order that they 
may be exempt from personal service, pay a larger 
tribute than those who attend at court. Some of these 
kings are Pagans, and others Mahometans; but 
Echebar, although he professed, at leaft outwardly 
the Mahometan faith, placed more tru^ in the former 
than the latter. 

As to the limits of his empire, these cannot yet be 
Slated with accuracy ; for until the time of his death, 
which took place on the 27th of Odtober, 1605, he 
was constantly making new conquests. We are told 
that in the year 1582 his territories Stretched westward 



to the Indus, and further north to the confines of 
Persia. The eaftern boundaries were the same as 
those of the kingdom of Bengala, of which he was 
mailer. On the north was Tartarie, and on the south 
the sea which washes the shores of Cambaya.^^ No- 
where else, except in Bengala, did his empire extend 
to the sea ; for the kings of the Malabars, the Portu- 
guese, the king of Narsinga,^^ and certain others, hold, 
in addition to their other possessions, all the maritime 
ports. The reft belongs to the great Mogor, whose 
territories, all included, are eftimated to have been, at 
that time, six hundred leagues in length, and four 
hundred in breadth; but since then he has annexed 
the kingdom of Caximir [Kashmir], and several others. 

The country is, for the moft part, fruitful, producing 
the needs of life in abundance ; for between the two 
famous rivers, the Indus and the Ganges, which wind 
over the greater portion of it, watering it like a garden, 
there are nine others which empty themselves into 
these two; namely, the Taphy [Tapti], the Heruada 
[Narbada], the Chambel, and the Tamona [Jumna], 
flowing into the Ganges,^^ and the Catamel [Sutlej], 
the Cebcha [Beas], the Ray [Ravi], the Chenao 
[Chenab], and the Rebeth [Jhilam], flowing into the 
Indus, which the people call the Schind. From this 
we can judge of the fertility of this region, and of the 
wealth of the great Mogor. For all the kingdoms and 
provinces which he conquers he holds as his own, 
appointing his captains, or the kings whom he has dis- 
possessed, as his lieutenants over them. From these 
he takes a third portion of the revenues, the remainder 



being for their personal needs, and the maintenance of 
the soldiers, horses, and elephants which each of them 
is bound to keep in readiness for any emergency that 
may arise. The wealth of these provinces is increased 
by the extensive trade which is carried on in drugs, 
spices, pearls, and other precious things, and also in 
civet, cotton cloth, cloth of gold, woollen ^ufFs, carpets, 
velvet and other silken fabrics, as well as in every kind 
of metal. Horses also are brought in large numbers 
from Persia and Tartary, 

But his military ftrength is even more formidable. 
For in the various provinces throughout his empire he 
has in his pay captains dependent on him, each of 
whom commands twelve or fourteen thousand horse. 
These they are compelled to maintain, as has already 
been Elated, out of the revenues of the provinces which 
the king has assigned to them.^* Besides these, there 
are others of inferior rank who maintain seven or eight 
thousand horse, as well as a number of elephants 
trained for warfare. The king has in his ^lables five 
thousand of these elephants, all ready to march at his 
will. As to the number of elephants in the whole of 
the kingdom, it has been eftimated that he can put 
into the field fifty thousand, all well armed, in the 
manner about to be described.^ ^ In a war with his 
brother, the Prince of Cabizl, who marched in great 
force again^ him, Echebar took the field with fifty 
thousand cavalry, all chosen men, and five thousand 
fighting elephants, besides innumerable infantry ; and 
this is leaving out of account the thousands of followers, 
mounted and on foot, whom he left in garrisons, or in 



other places requiring proteftion. In time of war, he 
recruited his army from all classes of the people, 
Mogores, Coronans [Khurasanis], Parthes, Torqui- 
maches, Boloches, Guzarates, and other Indu^ans, 
whether Pagans or Mahometans. 

He goes into battle with many pieces of artillery, 
which are placed in the front line. The elephants 
are kept in the rear, and are armed in the following 
fashion. To protect the head from blows, it is covered 
with a plate of iron, or tough hide. A sword is attached 
to the trunk, and a dagger to each of the long tusks 
which protrude from the mouth. Each animal bears 
on his back four small wooden turrets,^ ^ from which 
as many soldiers discharge their bows, arquebusses, or 
muskets. The driver is protected by a cuirass, or by 
plates of metal overlapping like scales. Elephants 
thus equipped are not placed in the front line, as they 
would shut out the enemy from the view of the soldiers, 
and would, when wounded, break the ranks of the 
soldiers, and throw the army into disorder. They are 
kept in the rear of the force; and should the enemy 
penetrate so far, this formidable troupe is brought sud- 
denly into aftion, to bar his further progress. These 
bea^s, even when unarmed, can do great damage. 
They seize with their trunks those whom they find in 
their path, and raising them in the air as high as they 
are able, dash them to the ground and trample them 
under their feet. At other times they attack with 
their iron-sheathed heads, butting after the manner 
of rams. 

The city of Delhi had formerly been the residence 



of the kings of Mogor. Echebar, however, fir^ took up 
his abode at another city called Agra ; and when two of 
his children died there,^^ he caused another city of great 
beauty to be built, which was named Fateful, or Fate- 
fur. But after his conquest of the kingdom of Labor, 
he made its capital city. Labor, his usual residence. 

It was in the year 1582^8 that his court was fir^l 
visited by Fathers of the Company. He was then 
about forty years of age, of medium stature, and 
ftrongly built,^^ He wore a turban on his head, and 
the fabric of his costume was interwoven with gold 
thread. His outer garment reached to his knees, and 
his breeches to his heels. His dockings were much 
like ours ; but his shoes were of a peculiar pattern in- 
vented by himself. On his brow he wore several rows 
of pearls or precious ftones. He had a great liking for 
European clothes ; and sometimes it was his pleasure 
to dress himself in a coSlume of black velvet made after 
the Portuguese fashion^^ ; but this was only on private, 
not on public occasions. He had always a sword at 
his side, or at any rate so near by that he could lay his 
hand upon it in a moment. Those who guarded his 
person, and whom he kept constantly near him, were 
changed each day of the week, as were his other officers 
and attendants, but in such a manner that the same 
persons came on duty every eighth day. 

Echebar possessed an alert and discerning mind; 
he was a man of sound judgment, prudent in affairs, 
and, above all, kind, affable, and generous. With 
these qualities he combined the courage of those who 
undertake and carry out great enterprises. He could 



be friendly and genial in his intercourse with others, 
without losing the dignity befitting the person of a 
king. He seemed to appreciate virtue, and to be well 
disposed towards foreigners, particularly Christians, 
some of whom he always liked to have about him. 
He was intere^ed in, and curious to learn about many 
things, and possessed an intimate knowledge not only 
of military and political matters, but of many of the 
mechanical arts. He took delight in watching the 
cabling of pieces of artillery, and in his own palace kept 
workmen con^antly employed in the manufacture of 
guns and arms of various descriptions. In short, he 
was well informed on a great variety of matters, and 
could discourse on the laws of many sefts, for this was 
a subject of which he made a special ^udy. Although 
he could neither read nor write, he enjoyed entering 
into debate with learned doftors. He always enter- 
tained at his court a dozen or so of such men, who 
propounded many queSions in his presence. To their 
discussions, now on one subjedl, now on another, and 
particularly to the Tories which they narrated, he was 
a willing liftener, believing that by this means he could 
overcome the disadvantage of his illiteracy. 

Echebar was by temperament melancholy, and he 
suffered from the falling-sickness so that to divert 
his mind, he had recourse to various forms of amuse- 
ment, such as watching elephants fight together, or 
camels, or buffaloes, or rams that butt and gore each 
other with their horns, or even two cocks. He was 
also fond of watching fencing bouts; and on certain 
occasions, after the manner of the ancient Romans, he 



made gladiators fight before him; or fencers were 
made to contend until one had killed the other.^a At 
other times, he amused himself with elephants and 
camels that had been trained to dance to the tune of 
certain musical in^ruments, and to perform other 
^Irange feats. But in the mid^ of all these diversions 
— and this is a very remarkable thing — ^he continued 
to give his attention to affairs of ^tate, even to matters 
of grave importance. 

Often he used to hunt the wild animals that abound 
in these regions. For this purpose he employed 
panthers^^ in^ead of hunting-dogs ; for in this country 
panthers are trained to the chase as we train dogs. He 
did not care much for hawking, though he had many 
well-trained falcons and other birds of prey; and 
there were some expert falconers amongst his retainers. 
Some of these were so skilful with the bow that they 
very rarely missed a bird at which they shot, even 
though it was on the wing, and though their arrows 
were unfeathered* 

To catch wild deer he used other deer which had 
been trained for this purpose. These carried nets on 
their horns in which the wild deer that came to attack 
them became entangled, upon which they were seized 
by the hunters who had been lying in concealment 
near by. When on a military campaign, he used to 
hunt in the following manner. Four or five thousand 
men were made to join hands and form a ring round 
a piece of jungle. Others were then sent inside to 
drive the animals to the edge of the enclosure, where 
they were captured by those forming the ring. A fine 



A huntms scene from tbe Akhamama 

[face p 10 


was levied on those who allowed an animal to break 
through and escape. 

So much for the king's recreations. We will now 
turn to more serious matters. That any person might 
be able to speak to him on business of importance, 
Echebar appeared twice daily in public, and gave audi- 
ence to all classes of his subjefts. For this purpose he 
made use of two large halls of his palace, in each of 
which was placed on a raised dais a splendid and coolly 
throne. To the firS of these halls all his subjects had 
access, and there he listened to all who sought speech 
with him. But to the second none was admitted but 
the captains and great nobles of his kingdom, and the 
ambassadors who came from foreign kings to confer 
with him on affairs of importance. Eight officers, 
men of experience and good judgment, were in con- 
^ant attendance on him. Among^l these he appor- 
tioned the days of the week, so that each had his 
special day for introducing those who desired an 
audience.^* It was their duty to examine the creden- 
tials of all such persons, and to aft as makers of 
ceremony, inftrufting them, more especially if they 
were foreigners, how to make reverence to the king, 
and how to comport themselves in his presence; for 
on these occasions much ceremony is observed, it being 
the cuftom, amongft other things, to kiss the feet of 
the king on saluting him. When giving audience, the 
king is also attended by a number of secretaries, whose 
duty is to record in writing every word that he speaks.*** 
This is a cuftom much practised by the princes of 
Persia, and other ea^ern countries. 



For the admini^lration of justice, there are magis- 
trates whose judgement is final, and others from whom 
there is an appeal. In every case the proceedings are 
verbal, and are never committed to writing. 

The king of whom we are speaking made it his 
particular care that in every case ju^ice should be 
ftridtly enforced. He was, nevertheless, cautious in 
the infliftion of punishment, especially the punishment 
of death. In no city where he resided could any person 
be put to death until the execution warrant had been 
submitted to him, some say, as many as three times. 
His punishments were not, ordinarily, cruel; though 
it is true that he caused some who had conspired 
againft his life to be slain by elephants, and that he 
sometimes punished criminals by impalement after the 
Turkish fashion, A robber or sea-pirate, if he had 
killed no one, suffered the loss of a hand ; but mur- 
derers, highwaymen, and adulterers were either 
strangled or crucified \aUachez en croix\^^ or their 
throats were cut, according to the gravity of their 
crimes. Lesser offenders were whipped and set free. 
In brief, the light of clemency and mildness shone 
forth from this prince, even upon those who offended 
again^l his own person. He twice pardoned an officer 
high in his service, who had been convifted of treason 
and conspiracy, graciously restoring him to favour and 
office. But when the same officer so far forgot him- 
self as to repeat his offence a third time, he sentenced 
him to death by crucifixion.*' 

Echebar seldom \o§t his temper. If he did so, he 
fell into a violent passion ; but his wrath was never of 



long duration. Before engaging in any important 
undertaking, he used to consult the members of his 
council ; but he made up his own mind, adopting what- 
ever course seemed to him the beft. Sometimes he 
communicated his intentions to his councillors, to 
ascertain their views. If they approved, they would 
answer with the words " Peace be to our lord the 
King." If anyone expressed an adverse opinion, he 
would li^en patiently, answer his objections, and 
point out the reasons for his own decision. Some- 
times, in view of the objeftions pointed out to him, 
he changed the plans he had made. Persian is the 
language usually spoken at his court, but learned men 
and the prie^s of Mahomet speak Arabic. 

This is what we have been able to ascertain about 
the Great Mogor and his ^late. 



The First Mission to Mogor 

That we may the better understand the motives which 
led the Great Mogor to summon the Fathers of the 
Company from Goa, we muSt bear in mind that the 
Viceroy in India of the Portuguese king, had, in the 
year 1578, sent as ambassador to his court a Portu- 
guese gentleman named Antoine Cabralj^ who was 
accompanied by several others of the same nation. 
Whilst they were at his court, Echebar closely watched 
their behaviour and manner of life, gaining thereby 
some idea of other adherents of the Christian religion, 
of which he had heard so much. He was very favour- 
ably impressed by what he saw of these persons ; and 
showed himself so anxious to know something of the 
law they followed, that the ambassador did his be^ to 
explain to him its main principles, telling him also of 
the Fathers of the Company who were preaching it in 
India. The King had already heard of two Fathers of 
the same society who had gone in the year 1576 to the 
kingdom of Bengala,^ and he had been told that there 
were in India many others of the sanie order who were 
labouring to spread the law of Jesus-Chri^l in all the 
countries of the Eaft, Finally a certain Portuguese, 
named Pierre Tauero,* a man of substance and intelli- 
gence, who had for some years resided at his court, 



enlightened him ftill further on certain aspefts of the 
Chriftian law, with the result that, being told of a 
Christian prieft, renowned for the sanftity of his life, 
who was then in his kingdom of Bengala, he sent for 
him forthwith, that he might receive from him a 
complete exposition of the faith which he professed. 

About the month of March in the year 1578, the 
good prie^, whose name I have not discovered,^ 
reached Fateful, where the King then held his court, 
and was received with much kindness. It was not 
long before his Majesty told him the reason why he 
had sent for him, which was, he said, that he might 
clear his mind of certain doubts which prevented him 
from deciding whether it was better to follow the law 
of the Christians or the law of Mahomet. The prieft, 
accordingly, expounded to him the main principles of 
our faith, at the same time opening his eyes to the 
worthlessness of the law of Mahomet. 

Echebar heard these things with evident gladness ; 
and so ftrongly was he moved to abandon his faith 
that, one evening while conversing with his Caziques,® 
or Mullas, as the priefts of the Mahometan religion 
are called, he told them frankly that he had decided 
to follow the counsel of the good prieSl, and pray to 
God for light to see the truth, and the path to salva- 
tion. At this discussion, his Soldan of Mecque' 
[Mecca], the chief of all his Mullas or Caziques, was 
present, who, the moment these words fell from the 
King's lips, said, " Your Majefty follows a good law, 
and has no reason to doubt it, or to seek another." 
On hearing this, the King rose to his feet and ex- 



claimed, " May God help us 1 May God help us 1 " 
repeating the words as if to imply that he was far from 
satisfied with the law that he followed, and that he 
would gladly have knowledge of a better. 

A few days later, he asked the same prie^ to teach 
him to speak Portuguese; for he had a great desire 
(or so he said) to know that tongue, that he might the 
better understand his exposition of the Chri^ian law. 
This the prieft commenced to do with much care and 
zeal ; and the firSl word that he taught the King was 
the sweet name of Jesus, The King found such plea- 
sure in this holy word that he repeated it at each ^ep 
as he walked up and down in his house. 

One evening the same prie^ was disputing with the 
Mullas in the royal ante-chamber, while the King sat 
likening in his private apartment. In the course of 
the dispute, the prieft said that the law of Mahomet 
was a tissue of errors and lies. This so enraged the 
Mullas that they were on the point of laying violent 
hands on him when the King entered and retrained 
them, appeasing their anger by telling them that it 
was no unusual thing for one engaged in a disputation 
to hold his own views to be true, and those of his 
adversaries to be false. 

While conversing with the King, the prieSl told him 
one day that there were in the town of Goa some very 
learned and holy Fathers, who had spread a knowledge 
of Jesus-Chrift in many parts of India ; and that if he 
would communicate his doubts to them, he would 
learn from them, much better than from himself, all 
that he desired to know touching the Chri^ian faith, 



in as much as they were much more learned in the 
holy scriptures. This made the King very anxious to 
see and know those of whom he spoke ; and not long 
afterwards he sent an ambassador to India, with a 
letter addressed to the Fathers of the Company re- 
siding at Goa, which, translated into our own language, 
was to the following efFeft : — 

' Forman of Zelahdin Mahemet Echebar, Reverend 
Fathers of the Order of Saint Paul:^ Be it known to you 
that, holding you in great efteem, I am sending you my 
ambassador Ebadola, and his interpreter Dominique Briz,^ 
to beg you to send to me two Fathers, learned in the scrip- 
tures, who shall bring with them the principal books of the 
law, and of the Gospels ; for I have a great desire to become 
acquainted with this law and its perfedtion. I earnestly 
enjoin you not to hinder their coming with these same 
ambassadors as soon as they shall reach you. Know, also, 
that the Fathers who shall come here will be received by me 
with all honour, and that it will be a peculiar pleasure to me 
to see them. If, after I have been instrufted as I desire 
in their law and its perfedlion, they wish to return, they will 
be free to do so whenever it shall seem good to them, and 
I shall despatch them with great respeft and honour. Let 
them not hesitate to come, for they will be under my care 
and protedtion.' 

The ambassador and his interpreter having arrived 
at Goa,^^ delivered the letter of the King to the prie^s 
of the said Company dwelling at the college of Saint 
Paul, who rejoiced greatly at the good news, believing 
that it was the will of our Lord to manifest to this great 
Prince the abundance of his mercy and goodness ; and 
each one of them desired the happiness of being sent 
c 17 


to him. But the Father Provincial, after submitting 
the matter to God with many prayers, chose and named 
for the work the following Fathers, to wit : — ^the Father 
Rodolfe Aquauiua/^ the lawful son of the Duke of 
Atria, brother of Cardinal Aquauiua, and nephew of 
R. P. Claude Aquauiua, now General of the same Com- 
pany; the Father Antoine de Monserrat,^^ ^^o was 
afterwards despatched to Aethiopie, and was enslaved 
by the Turcs, as has been narrated in the third book ; 
and the Father Frangois Henriqu^s.^^ 

Having set out from Goa in the company of the 
ambassador and his interpreter, the three Fathers 
arrived after twenty days at Surrat6, which is a port 
of the kingdom of Cambaya, above the town of Daman, 
and which belongs to the Great Mogor. At laft, on 
the 1 8th day of February in the year 1580, after pass- 
ing through many difficulties and dangers, they 
reached the imperial court, then located at Pateful 
[Fathpur], their entire journey having occupied forty- 
three days*^* So great was the King's anxiety to see 
them that, during this period (as they subsequently 
learnt), he constantly calculated the number of days 
necessary for the completion of their journey, and 
repeatedly asked those about him when they would 
arrive. The moment he heard that they had come, 
he summoned them to his palace, where he received 
them with many marks of friendship, and entertained 
them in various ways until far into the night. Before 
they took their leave, a large quantity of gold and silver 
was brought to be presented to them. The Fathers 
thanked him very respedtfuUy, but would not take any 



of the money, courteously excusing themselves on the 
ground of their calling. As for their livelihood, for 
which the King urged them to accept what he ofFered 
them, they said that it was sufficient happiness for 
them to enjoy his favour, and that they tru^ed to God 
to supply their daily needs. The King was much 
impressed by their refusal of the money, and for a 
long time could talk to his courtiers of nothing else. 
Three or four days later, the Fathers again visited 
the King, who received them as cordially as on the 
fir^ occasion. As he had asked to be shown the books 
of the law of the Creator (meaning thereby the holy 
Scriptures), the Fathers took with them and presented 
to him all the volumes of the Royal Bible, in four 
languages,^^ sumptuously bound, and clasped with 
gold. The King received these holy books with great 
reverence, taking each into his hand one after the other 
and kissing it, after which he placed it on his head, 
which, among^ these people, signifies honour and 
respedt. He afted thus in the presence of all his 
courtiers and captains, the greater part of whom were 
Mahometans. Afterwards he inquired which of these 
books contained the Gospels ; and when it was pointed 
out to him, he looked at it very intently, kissed it a 
second time, and placed it as before on his head. He 
then gave orders to his attendants that the books were 
to be conveyed to his own apartment, and ordered a 
rich cabinet to be made for their reception. The 
Fathers also presented to him two beautiful portraits, 
one representing the Saviour of the world, and the 
other the glorious Virgin Mary, his holy Mother. The 



latter was a copy of that in the church of Notre Dame 
la Maieur, in Rome.^® The King took the portrait of 
our Saviour in his hands with great reverence, and 
before putting it down kissed it, and made his children, 
and several of his courtiers who were present, do the 

Some time afterwards, he again sent for the Fathers, 
summoning at the same time his Mullas and Caziques, 
in order that they might dispute together in his pre- 
sence, so that he might discover which were in truth 
the holy scriptures on which to place his faith. The 
Fathers clearly eftablished the authenticity and truth 
of the scriptures contained in the Old and New Tefta- 
ments, laying bare at the same time the falsehoods and 
fallacies with which the Koran is filled. This fir^t 
dispute ended in the complete discomfiture of the 
Mullas and Caziques, who, unable to find any answer 
to the arguments of the Fathers, took refuge in silence.^ ^ 
The King appeared well satisfied with what he had 
heard ; and, after the conference, told the Fathers that 
their law seemed to him to be good ; but that he de- 
sired them to explain to him the my^ery of the holy 
Trinity, and how God could have had a son who 
became a man ; for these were the greater difiiculties 
he found in our belief. The Fathers gave him the 
explanations for which he asked, and with these he 
seemed for a time to be satisfied, though not wholly 
so; for afterwards he advised them to be on their 
guard when they spoke before the Saracens, " because," 
he said, ** they are not capable of understanding so holy 
a doftrine as this which you preach/' 



The prie^ls had brought with them the Koran of 
Mahomet translated into the Portuguese language, 
that they might be the better able to refute its errors 
and demon^rate the false and contradiftory statements 
which it contained, which, by this means, and with the 
help of their interpreter, they did very ejffedlively. 

Three days after the firft dispute, another took place 
concerning the paradise which the Mahometan law 
promises to its followers. The Fathers assailed the 
infamous and carnal paradise of Mahomet with argu- 
ments so clear and convincing that the MuUas blushed 
for shame, not knowing what to say in reply. The 
King, seeing their perplexity, essayed to take up their 
cause ; but he was as little able as they to disprove the 
incongruities that had been pointed out. 

On the Tuesday following, they entered on a third 
dispute with the MuUas, dealing with the pride and 
^ate of Mahomet and the irregxilarities of his life, all 
of which they contra^ed with the humility and purity 
of life of Jesus-Chri^ ; and in a like manner they con- 
trailed the truth of the Chri^ian do6b:ine, which a 
thousand miracles has confirmed, and the holiness of 
those who have proclaimed it to the world, with the 
fables and inconsi^encies of the law of Mahomet, 
which has been spread abroad by means of the sword. 
In this dispute the MuUas were again put to confusion ; 
and they never, from that time, had the hardihood to 
meet the Fathers in debate. The latter, however, were 
treated by the King with the same kindness as before. 

The Fathers now became anxious to ascertain what 
efFeft these disputes had had on the King, and whether 



the adoption of the Chri^lian faith was a ^ep that he 
was seriously deliberating. They accordingly made 
their way to the palace, the fa£l that they had not seen 
the King for some days affording a sufficient excuse 
for their visit. He received them with his accu^omed 
courtesy and good-will. After some conversation on 
general subjefts, the Fathers begged him to give them 
private audience ; and when this was granted, Father 
Rodolfe Aquauiua, who was the superior of the others, 
thus addressed him: — " Your Maje^y wrote a letter 
to our R.P. Provincial demanding that some Fathers 
of the Company should be sent to you to expound the 
law of God. We three have, accordingly, been sent; 
and we count it a peculiar happiness that God has led 
us to a Prince who is so powerful, and who desires so 
earnestly to know the divine law. This happiness was 
intensified when you made known to us that you had 
no other desire in the world but to discover and to 
embrace the true law. Our thoughts have been given 
day and night to this matter, and the means of attain- 
ing the end for which we have been sent here; and 
after earneil consideration, and continual prayers to 
God for guidance, it seems to us fitting that yoiu- 
Majesty should now, for the sake of your temporal and 
spiritual welfare, the preservation of your life, the in- 
crease of your dominions, the comfort of your con- 
science, and the salvation of your soul, set apart a time 
for hearing the interpretation of the divine law, and 
that, recognizing it to be true, and that there is no 
other which leads to salvation, your Majesty should 
adopt it as your own, and renounce that which is 



preached in all your kingdoms and provinces." In 
reply to these words, the King said that the matter 
was in the hands of God, who possessed the power to 
accomplish what they desired; and that, for his part, 
there was nothing in the world he desired more. By 
what he said, he gave them to understand that there 
were weighty reasons why he should not, at that 
jundlure, declare himself a Christian. 

At another time the same Father Aquauiua came to 
present to the King his bonne Basques^ or Easier gift, 
it being the evening of tjie resurreftion of our Saviour. 
His Majesty was greatly pleased thereat. He showed 
the Father much honour, detaining him in conversa- 
tion until late in the night. He asked him many 
queftions, chiefly concerning the my^ery of the Reve- 
lation, and also inquired what rules the ChriSians 
observed when they made prayers to God. These and 
other questions having been answered, he dismissed 
him with much kindness. 


* What is Truth ? * 

Sometime after these visits and disputes, Echebar, 
learning that the house in which the Fathers were 
lodged was inconvenient for them, owing to the din 
and bu^le of the crowded thoroughfare in which it 
was situated, provided a more suitable residence for 
them within the precinfts of his own palace. He did 
this partly from a desire to have them near at hand, 
so that he could visit them more often, or send for 
them whenever he wished, or had leisure to see them. 

In this lodging the Fathers fitted up, as well as they 
could, a small chapel, in which they held divine 
service; and here, on several occasions, they were 
visited by the King. His Majefty entrusted his 
second son to them that they might teach him Portu- 
guese, and to read and write after the European ^lyle, 
at the same time intruding him in the mysteries of 
the Christian faith. It may here be mentioned that in 
the year 1582, when these Fathers were at his court, 
Echebar had three sons and two daughters. The 
eldest son, who has since succeeded him on the throne, 
was then about 17 or 18 years of age.^ His proper 
name was Scieco \Shaikhii\ ; but he was always known 
as Sciecogio, the word Gio [J/] being added as a title 
of honour, ju^l as in certain parts of Europe the word 



Dom is placed before the names of persons of rank or 
di^linftion. In the language of these people, Gio 
signifies ' soul ' ; so that Sciecogio is equivalent to the 
soul, or the person, of Scieco. The second son, whose 
name was Pahari, was 1 3 years of age. It was he who 
was placed vmder the Fathers to learn Portuguese and 
the rudiments of Christianity, to the Sbxdy of which he 
showed himself well inclined. He was a lad of con- 
siderable promise, being both intelligent and docile.^ 
The hSt of the three was called Dan, which is the 
same as Daniel. 

But, to resume. On one occasion, the King, having 
come to see what his son was learning, bade him read 
aloud to him the exercise which the Fathers had given 
him to write. The exercise commenced with the 
words * In the name of God,' on hearing which his 
Majefty at once told him to add the words ' and of 
Jesus Chri^ the true prophet and son of God ' ; and 
this was done then and there in his presence.* He 
then entered the chapel, where the Fathers daily said 
mass for the benefit of the Portuguese connefted with 
the court ; for there were several who had made their 
homes in this country, and others who had journeyed 
there for the purpose of trade. The King entered the 
oratory unaccompanied by any of his guards or cour- 
tiers, and having removed his turban from his head, 
fell upon his knees and prayed, firft of all in our 
fashion, then in his own, that is to say, after the manner 
of the Saracens of Persia, whose law he ^ill outwardly 
observed, and lazily in the fashion of the Gentiles. 
" God," he said, as he rose from his devotions, " ought 



0 be adored with every kind of adoration." After 
hat, he seated himself on a cushion on the floor ; and 
^hen the Fathers had also seated themselves, he told 
hem that he did not doubt that our law was the be^l 
)f all, and that he beheld something more than human 
n the life and miracles of Jesus-Chri^; but that it 
vas beyond his comprehension how God could have a 
on. On a subsequent visit, after talking on sundry 
opics, he said: Fathers, you have, by your dis- 
ourses, taught me many things about your law, which 
)lease me more than all that I have been able to learn 
)f other laws, whether of the Saracens, or the Gentiles ; 
nd, for my part, I regard the law of the Saracens as 
v'orse than any other,*' 

Eight days later, he again came to the oratory, 
-ccompanied this time by his three sons, and some of 
he chief nobles of his court. For a while he ^lood 
part, looking attentively at the various objedls in the 
hapel, and expressing his admiration of them in the 
)resence of his courtiers. He then removed his shoes 
rom his feet, and ordered his sons and all who were 
nth him to do likewise, this being the cuftom observed 
)j Moslims when entering their mosques. He showed 
[reat reverence for the pifhires of our Saviour and the 
ilessed Virgin, and even for those of other saints ; and 
le ordered his painter to make copies of those which 
hie Fathers had placed in their chapel. He also 
rdered his goldsmith to make for him a casket of 
[old with a richly carved lid, similar in shape to the 
opper casket in which the Fathers carried the images 
if our Saviour and the Virgin, Before leaving, he told 



the Fathers that their law appealed to him very ^Irongly ; 
but that there were two points in it which he could not 
comprehend, namely, the Trinity and the Incarnation. 
If they could explain these two things to his satis- 
faftion, he would, he said, declare himself a Chriftian, 
even though it coSt him his kingdom.^ 

Although his mind was not wholly made up, he 
used every endeavour to implant in those who served 
him an admiration for the Chri^ian law, which he 
preached to them himself, extolling it on all occasions, 
and manife^ing his ^rong desire that many should 
embrace it. Sometimes he would spend the entire day 
maintaining, in debate with his MuUas, the inferiority 
of the law of Mahomet. The MuUas are very ignorant, 
and can neither defend their own false prophet, nor 
render reason for the things that are written in his 
Koran. They admit, and accept as inspired scriptures, 
the Books of Moses, the Psalms of David, and the 
Evangels. But these they are expressly forbidden by 
Mahomet either to possess, or to read.^ The Fathers 
were, therefore, able to convift them out of their own 
mouths. For if, said they, your Koran is an inspired 
book, there ought to be no antagonism between it and 
the Books of Moses, the Psalms of David, and the 
Evangels, which you admit to be inspired ; for if there 
is antagonism, it is certain that one or the other mu^ 
be false. And since you hold it to be blasphemy to 
say that there is any falsehood in the Books of Moses, 
the Psalms of David, and the Evangels, it mu^t neces- 
sarily follow that your Koran is false, since it is in so 
many points antagoiri^c to these books. 



The force of these arguments was not loft upon the 
King, who ceased to have any respeft for the law of 
Mahomet, or for his MuUas, and openly declared as 
much. At the same time, his respeft for the law of 
Christianity increased, and he favoured those who 
followed it in every way he could. Amongft the latter, 
there were in his country some who had been enslaved 
by his subjefts,^ and who, to regain their freedom, had 
renounced the Chriftian faith (for very often the 
Saracens offer liberty to the Chriftians whom they 
capture, on condition that they abandon their faith). 
It happened at this time that some of the latter 
desired to revert to their own religion, and, that 
they might be able to praftise the same without 
moleftation, begged from the King permission to 
return to their own country, that they might live 
amongft Christians, His MajeSty at once granted 
their request; and when one of them expressed a 
desire to remain in IndoStan, he not only permitted 
him to live and clothe himself after the Christian 
manner, but received him into the service of his own 

It was about this time that, at the request of the 
Fathers, he gave permission that a certain Portuguese, 
who had died, should be given a public funeral with 
Christian rites, that is to say, with lighted candles, and 
preceded by the cross. The funeral procession passed 
through the middle of the city, to the great wonder- 
ment of the infidels, who were Strongly impressed by 
reverent respeO: shown by the Portuguese towards 
their dead; and many even of the Saracens uttered 



prayers for the deceased, and offered to assist in the 

But although such afts as these seemed to show 
that the King held the Chri^ian faith in high e^eem, 
there were, nevertheless, many things which ^lood in 
the way of his embracing it. The firft was his un- 
willingness to accept the doftrines of the Trinity and 
the Incarnation without being able to comprehend 
them; so that he was kept in a ^ate of perpetual 
irresolution, not knowing where to fix his faith. " For 
the Gentiles," he said, ** regard their law as good ; and 
so likewise do the Saracens and the Christians. To 
which then shall we give our adherence } " Thus we 
see in this Prince the common fault of the athei^, who 
refuses to make reason subservient to faith, and, accept- 
ing nothing as true which his feeble mind is unable to 
fathom, is content to submit to his own imperfeft 
judgement matters transcending the highe^ limits of 
human under^anding. 

Another obftacle consifted in the innumerable duties 
and occupations in which he was generally plunged. 
These left him little leisure for private meditation, and 
made it impossible for the Fathers to find convenient 
opportunities for explaining to him the do6b:ines of 
our faith with the fullness and exaftness that they de- 
manded. To overcome this obftacle, the Fathers put 
before him the example of certain Kings and Princes 
of lapon, who, having no leisure during the day for 
self-examination and religious inSlrudtion, set apart for 
that purpose a considerable portion of the night. But 
though he signified his readiness to follow this example, 



he never did so. He also had this bad habit : whilft 
one of his questions was being answered, he would 
suddenly, and before there had been time to deal with 
it, ask another. He had not the patience to hear one 
explanation at a time ; but in his eagerness for know- 
ledge, tried to learn everything at once, like a hungry 
man trying to swallow his food at a single gulp. 

But, in the eyes of many, that which constituted the 
greatest hindrance to his conversion to our faith was 
the multitude of wives which the Mahometan law per- 
mitted him to keep. There were in his seraglio as 
many as a hundred women ; and it was doubtful if he 
would ever be willing to renounce all of these but one, 
and to live with that one in lawful wedlock, as the 
Christian law demands. 

La^ly, he had a great desire to witness a miracle; 
and several times he suggested that, to prove which 
of the two laws was the better, that of the Christians 
or that of the Saracens, the Fathers and the MuUas, 
the former holding their holy scriptures, and the latter 
their Koran, should enter a fire together, and those who 
were not burnt should be regarded as the possessors 
of the true law. But it was pointed out to him that it, 
would be presumptuous, and only tempting God, to aft 
thus without His special sanftion ; and, in the end, the 
King was convinced by their reasoning, and gave up 
the idea of this Strange teSt.* 

But notwithstanding all these things, many began 
to desire a knowledge of the religion for which the 
King displayed so much admiration, and whose prieSts 
he held in such high eSteem. AmongSt others, one of 



his own prie^ls, named Abdulfasil, a man greatly be- 
loved by his Maje^ly, who looked upon him as a kind 
of Grand Chaplain, expressed a desire to be in^udled 
in the Christian faith ; though whether he did so with 
a view to embracing it, or in order to please the King, 
and to be able to discuss it with him on suitable occa- 
sions, no one can say. However this may be, the King, 
on hearing of his desire, treated him with increased 
afFeftion, and told the Fathers that they could talk with 
him on any matter they chose with as much confidence, 
and as freely, as though they were talking to himself. 
And, in fa6t, Abdulfasil performed many kind offices 
for the Fathers, as we shall see later. Another who 
manifefted a desire for enlightenment was the King's 
physician; and he, too, took every opportunity that 
presented itself of showing his good-will towards the 
Fathers 1^ 

Seeing that the King remained irresolute, and in 
order that their time might not be wafted, the Fathers 
began to devote themselves to the conversion of others ; 
and, to this end, begged permission to baptise all those 
who desired to become Christians. This his Majefty 
willingly granted; and sent word to them by Abdul- 
fasil that he was willing they should convert as many 
as they could ; and that if any should attempt to inter- 
fere with them in this, they should inform him, and 
he would cause such persons to be punished according 
to their deserts. He also gave them permission to 
build, out of the charitable offerings of the Portuguese, 
a hospital for the sick. For it had been found in many 
places that both Pagans and Saracens were frequently 



persuaded to embrace Christianity, by witnessing the 
charitable deeds of its followers. 

These and other means adopted to advance the glory 
of God, together with the King's affeftion for the 
Fathers, and his favourable treatment of Chri^ians, 
aroused in many of those who served his Maje^y a 
desire to embrace the Christian faith. Indeed, so great 
was the number of catechumens enrolled, that the 
Fathers were scarce able to undertake their in^lruftion. 
But it was then that the Devil, ever working againft 
the salvation of mankind, set himself to shuffle the 
cards, and, to prevent the reaping of this rich harvest, 
birred into rebellion againft the King the Parthes, or 
Patanes, who, as we have already told, had been con- 
jfined to the islands of Bengala. 

These people having heard (as they said afterwards, 
in excuse for their revolt) that it was the King's inten- 
tion to abandon the law of his ancestors, that is to say, 
Mahometanism, and to follow another, raised a re- 
bellion in the kingdom of Bengala, killing the Viceroy, 
or Governor, whom the King had placed there.^^ 
They had also, it was said, negotiated with the King's 
half-brother, the Prince of Chabul, who simultaneously 
invaded the other side of his kingdom, which he pene- 
trated with a large army to a diftance of three hundred 

These events greatly perturbed the King; while 
his MuUas, who were fallen so low in his credit, were 
quick to interpret them as a punishment for his con- 
tempt of themselves and their law. This, and much 
more to the same efFed:, which the MuUas daily poured 



into his ears, made so ftrong an impression on him, 
that he began little by little to avoid the company of 
the Fathers, and to abate his former enthusiasm for 
the Chri^ian faith. His changed attitude was plainly 
shown; for he refused to see the Fathers when they 
came to condole with him on the loss of the kingdom 
of Bengala; and for a period of some months they 
were not once summoned to his presence,^^ 

The King marched to meet his brother at the head 
of 50,000 horse, and 5000 fighting elephants, besides 
infantry too numerous to be eftimated.^^ Seeing so 
va^ a force coming againft him, his brother gradually 
withdrew. The King followed him, continuing the 
pursuit till he had shut him up in his own territories, 
which were on the other side of the Indus. After this, 
he put down without difficulty the revolt stirred up by 
the Patanes in Bengala. 

When, after the pacification of his dominions, he 
returned to his capital, the Fathers requested him, 
through his chaplain Abdulfasil, to inform them 
whether he desired to be more fully inftrufted in 
matters touching our faith, in as much as it was to 
this end that they had been sent to him, and they 
counted their time as wailed when it was not employed 
in miniftering to his spiritual welfare. After some days 
had passed, the King sent for them; but all that he 
did was to ask them a number of questions of a curious, 
rather than of a profitable nature. At la^, the Fathers 
suggefted that, as the previous disputes had not made 
clear to him the difference between the law of Jesus- 
Chri^l and that of Mahomet, he should again arrange 

D 33 


a public debate between themselves and the MuUas, 
so that he might be able to make up his mind once for 
all which was the better religion to follow. This 
suggestion was not greatly to the King's liking, for he 
feared the Mullas would again be defeated ; but as the 
Fathers urged him very Wrongly, he assigned the 
coming Saturday for the dispute. 

On this day, at the hour arranged, the Fathers went 
to the palace ; but the King, who had no desire that 
the conference should take place, announced, with 
many excuses, his inability to be present. In a short 
time, however, he realised that he had done wrong to 
break his promise; and, to repair his mi^ake, gave 
orders that the debate should be held on the Monday 
following. On this occasion, he not only attended 
himself, but brought with him all the Captains and 
lords of his court, besides a large number of his Mullas, 
The latter ^ove to uphold their false prophet; but 
they were so hard pressed by the Fathers, that they 
were able neither to explain his sayings in the Koran, 
nor to maintain what they advanced in his defence. 
The King, perceiving the futility of their arguments, 
tried to bring his own knowledge into play, and to 
cover their shame ; but he too was put to equal con- 
fusion, with the result that almost all who were present 
saw clearly the false and impious charafter of the 
Mahometan law. 



Father Rudolf Aquaviva 

Seeing the earneftness with which the King, in this 
la^l dispute, had defended his Mullas and their law, 
the Fathers realized how greatly he was changed, and 
decided to ask his permission to return to Goa, whence 
he had called them. This was ta6tfully done by Father 
Rodolfe. " I do not doubt," he said to the King, " that 
your Majesty has a great desire to hear the interpreta- 
tion of the true law, and also to embrace it ; but you 
consider it would be unwise to alarm your subjects by 
making this known. This being the case, it seems to 
us that our labours at your court are no longer as 
profitable as they were at firft.'* The King at once 
underwood his meaning, and said that he derived great 
pleasure from having them at his court, and that in 
speaking thus they were only seeking an excuse for 
going away. The Father replied that his Majefty 
knew from experience that it was their desire to serve 
him ; and that if it would please him to li^en earnestly 
to their interpretation of the divine law, it would be a 
great happiness to them to remain in his territories. 
To that the King made no answer; but withdrew 
without a word to his chamber, evidently much dis- 
pleased at their desire to return. 

As the Fathers were anxious to know the reason why 



the King wished them to remain at his court, since he 
showed no intention of embracing the Chri^ian faith, 
they put the que^ion to Abdulfasil. In reply, the 
chaplain gave them to underhand that the King, having 
a desire for all kinds of knowledge, and liking to show 
his greatness, delighted to have at his court people of 
all nations; and that he was particularly pleased with 
them, the Fathers, both on account of their conduft, 
and their law, which appealed to him more than any 
other. He told them also that on the day previous he 
had taken the Holy Bible which they had given to 
him, and with great reverence had placed it on his 
head, adding that he had not done the same with 
the book of Mahomet, which had been presented to 
him on the same day, and which was far more richly 

With their hopes partially revived by these words, 
the Fathers sought by every means they could think 
of, to bind the King's afFeftions anew to the Christian 
faith. When they saw that his anger, which the sug- 
geftion of their departure had kindled, was abated, 
they intimated to him that they would again in^ruft 
the princes, his sons, in the Portuguese language, if 
such were his pleasure. The King gladly consented to 
this proposal ; and the work of in^lrudlion was entru^ed 
to Father Antoine Monserrat. His Maje^ly came 
often to see what his sons were learning ; and this led 
to renewed intercourse with the Fathers, who were, 
thereby, able to regain his friendship and efteem. It 
is very true, however, that when the conversation 
turned on matters relating to the divine law, he dis- 



played little of his former intereft; for he had been 
greatly difturbed by the ideas which the Mullas had 
put into his head at the time of the Patane revolt in 
Bengala. Furthermore, though convinced in his own 
mind that the law of the Evangeli^s was superior to 
all others, he was ftill held in bondage by the vicious 
customs and licentious indulgences to which the law 
of Mahomet gives its sanction. 

The Saracens, seeing that he was again drawn to- 
wards our religion, showed a disposition to rise againft 
him ; and his mother, his aunt, and many of the great 
lords of the kingdom who attended him, left no ^one 
unturned to discredit the Fathers and their teaching. 
This they considered themselves bound to do out of 
loyalty to their seft; while they were further incited 
thereto by their .natural hatred of the Chri^ian re- 
ligion, which they denounced to the King as the base^ 
and mo^l worthless in the world. His bevy of wives 
followed their example; for they realised that all of 
them, save one only, would be abandoned if the King 
became a Christian; and all their arts and blandish- 
ments were employed to divert him from such a ^lep. 
Finally, his long excursions, the recreations in which 
he indulged each day, and, more than all, the many 
urgent affairs of state which demanded his attention, 
allowed him no opportunities for meditating on his 
spiritual welfare. 

Whil^ matters were in this ^late, the Fathers re- 
ceived a letter from the Father Provincial of India, in 
which he commanded their return to Gk)a; since he 
was desirous, as they could accomplish nothing where 



they were, to employ them on other enterprises for the 
advancement of the glory of God, Father Rudolf 
Aquauiua, having received this letter, took it to the 
King, that he might show him the order they had re- 
ceived from their Superior and Provincial. The King, 
with many marks of afFe£Hon, told him how greatly he 
would regret his departure, " I love you, Father,'' he 
said, " and rejoice to have you near me ; for you have 
taught me many things which have pleased me more 
than all I have learnt from others. If, however, you 
wish to go, I shall not con^rain you to remain. But 
your departure is much againft my will; and if you 
forsake me in this ^late, the sin will be on your head." 
The Father replied modestly that other Fathers, more 
learned and worthy than himself, would come, when 
he should need them, in his place. Upon this, the 
King manifefted much displeasure : "I want no more 
argument," he said; for I will never, willingly, con- 
sent to your departure." And in this determination he 
was supported by some of the chief nobles of his court, 
who were present at the conversation. 

Seeing how averse the King was to his departure, 
and that the nobles likewise urged him to remain, so 
as not to arouse his Majesty's anger. Father Rodolfe, 
after commending the matter to God, and consiilting 
with his companions, resolved to abide where he was, 
pending the receipt of in^ru£tions from the Father 
Provincial. But the other Fathers returned to India 
as they had been commanded.^ The King greatly 
appreciated Father's Rodolfe's courteous compliance 
with his wishes, and from that day beftowed on him 



the highest marks of his afFe£tion, He again entered 
into familiar discourse with him on his difficulties, and 
even showed signs of again desiring to hear the ex- 
position of the Christian faith, which gave rise to a 
similar desire on the part of many of the gentlemen 
and nobles of his court. 

The MuUas, seeing that Father Rodolfe had regained 
the King's goodwill, and fearing that he might win 
for Jesus-Chri^t not only his Maje^, but the chief 
lords and captains of the court, sought secretly for an 
opportunity to compass his death. The King, on be- 
coming aware of their evil design, spoke about it to 
the Father. " The MuUas," he said, are traitors and 
rogues. I am therefore going to appoint some of my 
own people to guard you and accompany you wherever 
you go, so that no evil may befall you." In reply, the 
Father reminded him that when he and his fellow- 
prie^ls came to his court, the Viceroy of India had de- 
manded homages for their safety; but that they 
themselves had opposed this " because," he said, " it 
is our glory to die for the faith which we preach ; and 
if your Majefty were now to provide me with a guard, 
I should not be placing my sole reliance on God, which 
in all circumstances it is my duty to do." "Assuredly," 
said the King, " there is reason in what you say; but 
I regard it as my duty to provide for your safety, since 
you are here under my protection and safe-guard." 
Shortly afterwards, while in conversation with his 
Captains and courtiers, he told them how the Father 
had said that he would count it a happiness to shed his 
blood in defence of the law which he preached, praising 



his courage, and adding that his own MuUas had no 
desire to die in defence of their law. 

Father Rodolfe did all in his power to persuade the 
King to declare hinaself a Chri^ian ; for neither would 
his subjefts be persuaded whilst they saw him perplexed 
and in doubt. But his utmost efforts were unavailing ; 
for the King knew well that such a ^ep would mean 
the abandonment of his numerous wives, as well as of 
other vicious customs incompatible with the Chriftian 

For the re^, so long as the Father remained there, 
and especially during the la^l year, when he had none 
of the Company with him, he led a life like that of the 
ancient Fathers of the desert ; for he ate nothing but 
a little dry bread, and water was his only drink. He 
slept on the bare ground, and pra£lised many other 
severe penances. The greater portion of the day and 
night he devoted to prayers and orisons, the conftant 
burden of which was that God would illumine with His 
divine light the darkened mind of the King, He learnt 
the Persian language that he might the more easily ex- 
pound to him the my^eries of our faith. He had 
always devoted much time to prayer ; but during these 
laft days amongft the barbarians, he prayed more than 
ever before. Sometimes he remained on his knees the 
entire day ; for he never left his lodging except to visit 
the King ; and often the dawn would discover him on 
the same spot where he had knelt to pray the evening 

So great were his labours, and so severe the austeri- 
ties he pra£tised,8 that at la^ he fell grievously sick, 



and it was thought that he woidd die. But the con- 
solation which he received from God so completely 
outweighed his afBiftions and alleviated his sxifFerings, 
that he was able to say, with the Apoftle Paul, cum 
infirmor^ tunc fortior sum^ when I am sick and infirm, 
then am I mo^ strong. Indeed, he was often heard 
to say, especially in these days, that he had lived as he 
had wished to live, and that he was then experiencing 
greater peace of mind than he had known in all his 
previous life ; from which it can be seen that our Lord 
was, little by little, preparing him for the glory that is 
reserved for the martyr, and which was his shortly 
afterwards. On his arrival at Goa, he seemed like one 
who had passed through a school of righteousness, 
rather than one who had sojourned long in a heathen 
land. On account of his virtues and the many rare 
qualities and graces with which God had endowed 
him, he won the rasped: both of Pagans and Saracens* 
Though the Mullas regarded him with mortal hatred 
because, in the debates which took place before the 
King, he had always reduced them to shameful silence, 
yet so great was the learning he displayed in these 
night-long encounters, and such was the modefty of 
his demeanour, that even the Gentiles were wont to 
speak of him as the * Angel.' 

But although the treacherous Mullas were con- 
stantly plotting the death of Father Rodolfe, their fear 
of the King's wrath deterred them from carrying out 
their evil design. For the virtues, and particularly the 
humility, of the Chri^ian prie^, had completely won 
the heart of his royal patron, who regarded him with 



the ftronge^ feelings of afFedion and e^eem. At the 
same time, however, the views which the King held, 
the corrupt cu^oms which he followed, and ^ill more 
his arrogant desire to be regarded as some God, or 
great Prophet,* prevented him from following the 
counsel which the Father gave him ; so that the latter, 
seeing that there was nothing further to be achieved, 
intimated to the Father Provincial that it was labour 
wailed to sow in so barren a field, where no fruit coixld 
be looked for. In reply the Father Provincial in- 
ilrufted him to ask the King^s permission to return, 
and, having obtained it, to set out for Goa as soon as 

The King, though at fir^l he would not listen to the 
Father's request, desiring to keep near him one whose 
manner of life so greatly pleased him, yielded at laft 
to his earnest entreaties. Before letting him go, how- 
ever, he made him promise that he would obtain the 
Father Provincial's consent to his making another visit 
to his court. This the Father promised, and the King 
then allowed him to set forth, showing him innumer- 
able signs of his favour and friendship. At the moment 
of his departure, he wished to present to him a large 
sum of money in gold and silver ; but the Father would 
accept nothing, saying that he was a monk, and that 
such things belonged to the world which he had 
abandoned. One boon, however, he asked, which was 
that his Majesty would permit him to take back to Goa 
a Muscovite Christian and his wife and children, who 
had been kept in bondage for a long time, and had 
suflFered much, so that they were now hardly to be 



diftinguished from the Saracens amongst: whom they 
dwelt. The Queen Mother was very unwilling that 
these people, who were in her service, should be 
allowed to go. But the King, to show his afFeftion 
for the Father, granted his reque^, so that he took the 
Muscovite family with him to Goa, where they lived 
from that time as good Chriftians. This was all the 
treasure that Father Rodolfe took away with him from 
the court of this great monarch. 



The Second Mission 

Seven or eight years after Father Rodolfe Aquauiua 
had left the court of the Great Mogor, it seemed to 
be the will of oiir Saviour again to rouse this great 
monarch from the deep sleep of obstinacy, and to in- 
spire him to emerge from the shades of unbelief into 
the light of the true faith, and to spread the same 
throughout his kingdom. This, we may without 
impiety believe was through the intercession of the 
blessed Virgin Mary, towards whom this Prince had 
always been powerfully attracted. It was in the year 
1590 that, on learning that the Chriftians were cele- 
brating the fea^l of the Assumption, he determined 
that he, too, would celebrate it in his own way. To 
this end, he caused a high throne to be erefted, upon 
which he placed the pifture of the blessed Virgin which 
Father Rodolfe had given to him, commanding all his 
princes, captains, and courtiers to do it reverence, and 
to kiss it. The chief lords of the court demanded that 
the eldest son of the King should fir^l set them the 
example, and this he at once and very willingly did. 
The mo^ di^inguished of the officers showed them- 
selves the readiest to honour the Virgin, 

On the same occasion the King caused all the 
Alcorans in the town in which he then held his court 



to be razed to the ground. By the word * Alcoran 
is signified not only the law of Mahomet, but certain 
high towers from which the minivers of the se6t of 
Mahomet, in a loud voice, invoke their false prophet, 
and from which they summon the people to prayer. 
The mosques also, which are the temples of the same 
deceiver, were by his order converted into tables for 
horses and elephants ; and since one of the greater of 
his former difficulties had been the multitude of his 
wives, he abandoned them all save one, giving them in 
marriage to various lords and gentlemen of his court.^ 
He also made proclamation, by sound of trumpet, that, 
from that time forward, no Mahometan should circum- 
cise his male children until they had attained the age 
of 1 5 years, so that they might choose for themselves 
the law which they desired to follow. 

About this time, there arrived on the scene a Greek 
sub-deacon named Leon Grimon,* who was to pass 
through Goa on his way to his own country. The 
King was very glad to see him, and asked him many 
queftions about what he had done in different parts of 
the world; for, whenever anyone came to his court 
from a foreign land, he was anxious to learn from him 
all that he had seen and heard in the course of his 
travels. The sub-deacon was a man of intelligence, 
who had seen many things; and the King was so 
pleased with his conversation, that he resolved to 
employ him as his ambassador to the Viceroy of India, 
and to send through him a reque^ that Fathers of the 
Company of Jesus might again be sent to him. He, 
accordingly, entrusted him with a letter and some gifts 



for the Viceroy, and a second letter (which is given 
below) with other gifts, for the Fathers of the Com- 
pany, the latter being addressed to the Father Pro- 
vincial. He also proposed to send, at the same time, 
five thousand crowns for di^ribution among^ the poor 
Christians at Goa ; and when the sub-deacon suggested 
that it would be better if he distributed this sum 
amongst the poor of his own kingdom, he replied that 
he had no wish to do so, as they were all slaves of 
Satan. When, however, the sub-deacon made a further 
remonftrance, pointing out the risk involved in carry- 
ing so large a sum on so long a journey, he gave orders 
that, instead of money, he should be given precious 
Clones and other articles of value, representing two 
thousand crowns, which being of little weight, he 
could more easily carry to the poor at Goa. The gift 
came at a time when the city was Stricken with famine, 
and afforded relief to many who were in dire distress. 

In order that the Fathers whom he desired to come 
to him might travel in safety, the King despatched 
letters-patent to the Viceroy of Cambaya, and to the 
governors of other provinces, the contents of which 
were as follows: 

* The Command of the exalted Mahomet, great King and 
Lord of the Fosliere,® to all the Captains, Viceroys, Gover- 
nors, Treasurers {receueurs]^ and other officers of my realm. 

*You are to know that I have greatly honoured and 
favoured Dom Leon Grimon ; and it is my will and intention 
that the Captains and other officers of my kingdom should do 
likewise; for I hope, by his means, to ensure the despatch of 
certain other Fathers whom I have invited to come to me 
from Goa, and through whose holy doftrine I hope to be 



restored from death to life, even as their mailer, Jesus-Chriil, 
who came down from heaven to earth, raised many from the 
dead, and gave them new life. ^ On this occasion, I am sum- 
moning the moft learned and the moft virtuous of the Fathers, 
that they may help me to a true knowledge of the Chriilian 
law, and of the royal highways by which they travel to the 
presence of God. I, therefore, command all these my officers 
to honour and cherish both Dom Leon Grimon, and the 
Fathers for whom I am sending, in every town of my king- 
dom through which they shall pass, furnishing soldiers to 
escort them safely from town to town, and providing them, 
at my expense, whatsoever is necessary for themselves and 
their beaits, and all else that they may need. It shall be their 
duty to condudt them safely to my presence, and to see that 
they suffer no harm by the way, nor loss of aught that they 
may bring with them. 

* It shall be the duty of my Captain Canchena' to condud 
them safely to Captain Raizza who, with all the other 
captains, shall do likewise, until they reach my court. It 
shall be the duty of Giabiblica, captain of Cambayetta, to 
furnish all their requirements, both for their coming and for 
their return. Furthermore, I forbid my customs officers to 
exaft or demand anything from the said Fathers on account 
of the baggage which they bring with them, whatsoever it 
may be, but to allow it to pass free of all dues or toUs. The 
aforesaid officers shall pay careful heed to these my instruc- 
tions, so that the Fathers shall suffer no molestation either 
of their persons or their effefts. If they make any complaint 
againSl you, you shall be severely punished, even to the loss 
of your heads. For I desire that everything shall be done 
according to these my orders, both as regards their persons 
and their effefts, so that they may pass freely through all my 
towns without paying any impoSt, and that they may be 
accompanied by a sufficient and trustworthy guard through- 
out the whole of their journey. 



* They are to be conduced from Cambayetta to the town 
of Amanadab [Ahmadabad], and from thence to Paian 
[Pattan], and thence to Gelu [ ? Jalor], from Gelu to Guipar, 
from Guipar to Bicanel [Bikanir], passing from there to 
Bitasser [? Jalasir]. From Bitasser they shall go to Multum 
[Multan], and from Multum to Labor, the place where we 
reside. This is the route by which I desire the Fathers to 
travel. I hope, by God's grace, to see them soon at my 
court, where they shall be received by me and mine as their 
quality deserves.' 

The ambassador, Dom Leon Grimon, having 
reached Goa, delivered, fir^ to the Viceroy, and then 
to the Fathers, the letters which the King had written 
to them. That which was addressed to the Fathers 
may be translated into our language as follows : 

* In the name of God. 
' The exalted and invincible Echebar, to those who have 
been received into the grace of God, and have tailed of His 
holy Spirit, and who obey the spirit of the Messiah, and lead 
men to God: learned Fathers, whose words are heeded by 
all as coming from men who have retired from the world, 
and have eschewed earthly honours and greatness: Fathers, 
who walk in the path of truth: be it known unto Your 
Reverences that I have knowledge of all the faiths of the 
world, both of those of the Gentile of various sorts, and the 
law of Mahomet, excepting only that of Jesus-Chriil which 
is the law of God, and as such is accepted and followed by 
many. Now, in as much as I have a ilrong inclination for 
the friendship, and society of the Fathers, I desire that 
through them I may receive inftruftion in this law.^ 

* There has recently come to this our court and royal 
palace a certain Dom Leon Grimon, a person of great merit 
and sound discourse, whom I have queilioned on divers sub- 



jefts. His answers have been much to the purpose, and have 
given satisfaftion to myself and to my doftors. He has 
assured me that there are in India several Fathers of great 
prudence and learning. If this be so, your Reverence, on 
receipt of this letter, will be able, with every assurance, to 
send some of them to my court, to the end that they may 
dispute with my doftors, and that I, by comparing the know- 
ledge and other qualities displayed on either side, may be able 
to see the superiority of the Fathers over my own learned 
men, whom we call Caziques,® and who by this means may 
be taught to know the truth. If the Fathers are willing to 
remain at my court, I will build a residence for them, where 
they shall live and enjoy greater respeft and favour than any 
of the Fathers who have hitherto come to my country [ce 
pays cy]. When they desire to return, they will be free to do 
so, and they shall be despatched with all honour. It behoves 
you, therefore, to accede to my requeil; and to do so the 
more readily because I make it in this my letter, written at 
the conunencement of the moon of June.* 

The Father Provincial, who was at Goa when the 
ambassador arrived, having read this letter, and being 
informed by the ambassador that the King seemed 
Wrongly disposed to become a Christian, decided to 
comply with the request thus made to him. He accord- 
ingly despatched to the King the Fathers EdoUard 
Leioton, and Chri^lofle de Vega, with another who was 
not a prie^. These three set out together and arrived 
at Lahor, where the King was in the year 1591. The 
King received them with a great display of good-will, 
lodging them in his palace, and treating them with 
much respeft and attention. Shortly after their arrival, 
he expressed his desire that a school should be built 
E 49 


in which the sons of the principal lords and captains 
of his court, as well as a son and grandson of his own, 
might be taught to read and write Portuguese. The 
Fathers remained for some time at his court, en- 
couraging themselves, like their predecessors, with the 
hope of his conversion. But seeing, as time went on, 
that he had no intention of making up his mind, they 
desired to retiarn to Goa. The Father Provincial, how- 
ever, sent an express order to Father EdoUard Leioton 
that he was not to leave Lahor, but permitted the return 
of Father Chriftofle de Vega. The King had become 
much attached to Father Chriftofle, and did not allow 
him to depart until he had made him swear to return, 
if permitted to do so. When, therefore, he reached 
Goa, the Provincial considered the advisability of 
sending him back.^^ But, in the end, seeing how little 
hope there was of the King's conversion, and that the 
Fathers, whom he was anxious to employ elsewhere, 
were labouring to no purpose, he recalled them all; 
and they returned to Goa, having accomplished nothing 
of what they had intended.^^ 



Dispatch of the Third Mission 

Although the King Echebar appeared, on the one 
hand, to be ^ongly attached to the Christian faith and 
to those who preached it, being convinced, as we may 
suppose, of its manifest truth ; yet, on the other hand, 
he was bound hand and foot by evil desires and de- 
praved habits, so that he could not bend his will to 
submit to so holy a law. We may, as it seems to me, 
appropriately apply to him the words of the prophet, 
venerunt filij usque ad partum^ et virtus non eil pariendi^ 
* for the children are come to the birth, and there is 
not length to bring forth.* 

Some years after the departure of the above- 
mentioned Fathers, namely, in the year 1 594, he sent 
another ambassador to Goa, requesting, for the third 
time, that Fathers of the same Company might be sent 
to inftruft him, as he expressed it, in the divine law; 
and he wrote to the Viceroy of India in terms evincing 
so much eagerness, that the latter at once summoned 
the Father Provincial, and begged him to comply with 
the request which this Prince made with so much in- 
sistence. The Provincial, who had already seen two 
Missions go and return without having accomplished 
anything, was not in favour of compliance ; but know- 
ing that it was the desire of the Reverend Father 



General of the Company that there should always be 
some Fathers at the court of so great a monarch, both 
for the benefit of the Chri^ians who were there, as well 
as for sundry other considerations, he at laft, after 
consulting with the mo^l eminent Fathers in Goa, gave 
his consent. As leader of this Mission, he nominated 
Father Hierosme Xauier Nauarrois, nephew of the 
blessed Father Xauier, who was at that time the 
Superior of the house of the Profes at Goa,^ and who 
willingly quitted that office to undertake the enterprise 
now entru^ed to him. This duty he had long foreseen 
(as he then said) would fall to his share, feeling in his 
soul that God had given him courage to support the 
labours which it would necessitate ; and he, therefore, 
accepted it as a charge from heaven. Two others of 
the same Company were sent to assist him, namely, 
the Father Emmanuel Pignero, a Portuguese, and a 
Brother coadjutor named Benoift Goes, or de Gois,^ 
They took with them as guide an Armenian who had 
conduced Father Rodolfe Aquauiua and the others, 
who were sent the fir^l time. 

Thus accompanied, and supplied with what they 
needed, they set out from Goa in a ship which was 
bound for Daman, from which place they passed into 
the kingdom of Cambaya, or Guzarate, where our 
Saviour gave them a foretaste of the fruits which 
they hoped to gather on this Mission, granting 
them so much spiritual consolation that it seemed 
to be His desire to recompense them in advance 
for the labours they were to undergo in His service. 
It was at Christmas, in the year 1594, that they 



entered the city of Cambaya, otherwise called Cam- 
bayetta,* capital of this realm; and as the great 
feftival of the birth of the Saviour of the world was 
about to take place, they resolved to celebrate it in 
this town, because several Portuguese families resided 

They accordingly converted a large room of the 
house in which they were lodged into a chapel, where 
they erefted an altar for the celebration of mass ; and 
this they decorated so beautifully that the Pagans, and 
even the infidels, came in great crowds to see it Above 
all, the Portuguese found great comfort from the 
sojourn of the Fathers in their town ; for they all made 
confession and received communion, to the great 
consolation and spiritual benefit of their souls. 
In particular, there was amongft them one who, 
having lived long in that country, had turned logue 
[Yogi], the devil holding him entangled in many 
great and grievous sins. But it pleased God to touch 
his heart so strongly that he became himself again, and 
took the path of salvation, greatly repenting his 
sins, and firmly resolved to live a better life. He 
straightway prepared to take up his abode amongSl 
the Christians with his legitimate wife, whom he had 

These and similar happenings so cheered the Fathers 
that one of them. Father Pignero, wrote that never in 
all his life had he felt such zeal, though in the midSl 
of barbarism and unbelief. Throughout the time that 
they were there, they preached daily to the Portuguese 
in the courtyard of their lodging, and said mass each 



day. As the chapel was not large enough to hold all 
the Portuguese at once, some of them attended the fir^ 
mass, and others the second, so that the former came 
out as the latter entered; and on no single day was 
there any lack of people. The Fathers remained there 
for three weeks, partly for the reasons juft mentioned, 
and partly because the Soldan Morad,^ the second son 
of the Great Mogor, arrived there with a large army, 
which he was leading in his father's name against 
Melique,^ King of the Decan. Hearing that the 
Fathers were there, he sent word to them on the follow- 
ing day, which was Chri^mas eve, that he desired to 
see them, and that they would find him at the ca^lle of 
the said town of'Cambaya, where he was about to take 
up his quarters. The ca^lle was close to where the 
Fathers lodged ; and, accordingly, as soon as they knew 
that Soldan Morad had arrived with a small party 
(having left the remainder of his force in camp out- 
side the town), they went to pay their respefts to 
him, and were received with kindness and honour, 
the Prince, like his father, showing them much good- 
will. As it was late in the night, the Prince remained 
only a short time at the ca^lle, and then withdrew, 
having fir^l coUefted two hundred thousand crowns 
in the town, partly in coin, and partly in ingots of 

He marched thence to Surrat^, which is a seaport 
of the same kingdom on this side of the town of Daman. 
Having travelled a league from Cambaya, he again 
summoned the Fathers to his presence. It was three 
hours after midnight when they received the message, 



which greatly disconcerted them ; for they had thought 
on that day to celebrate with special solemnity the fea^l 
of the circumcision of our Lord. Nevertheless, they 
arose and set forth, after one of them had said mass. 
They reached the camp at the hour when all the 
captains were assembled to make their morning salu- 
tation to their General, the Soldan Morad, who was 
landing near an elevated pavilion where all could see 
him. When the Fathers approached, they also made 
their reverence in the same fashion as the others, that 
is to say, bowing their heads before him ; after which 
they took their places amongst the captains and other 
lords, who were landing, like so many ^atues, with 
their eyes fixed on the Prince. 

After a while, the Prince entered his pavilion which 
was placed in the centre of a specially prepared mound, 
resembling a rampart; it was open on all sides, and 
contained a small couch. Here he received the Fathers 
in a more courteous and less formal manner than at 
fir^l. He chatted with them for some time, asking 
them many curious questions. Among^l other things, 
he enquired if there was snow or ice in Portugal, and 
whether bears, hares, and other wild animals were to 
be found there, or birds of the chase, such as falcons 
and hawks. When the Fathers said that all these were 
to be found, he turned to his captains, and said, " So 
they have such things as these in Portugal." The 
captains placed the palms of their hands fir^ on the 
ground and then on their heads, signifying thereby 
their gratitude for the honour of being included in the 
conversation. After answering some more trifling 


questions, the Fathers proceeded to the small mound 
of earth by which the Prince mounted his elephant, and 
there took leave of him. At this moment there were 
brought to him fifteen hundred manudes^ which is a 
kind of money used in those parts ; and this sum was 
equivalent to about six hundred French li'ores. The 
Prince then turned to the Fathers and said, " I know 
you do not accept money, or presents of any kind ; but 
because you are poor, and will need help on your 
journey, I desire you to accept this which I give you 
as alms/' So saying, he sprang on to an elephant, and 
from thence on to a larger one, which seemed like a 
tower. Fearing that the Fathers would not take this 
money, he had left orders with his people that it was 
to be entru^ed to the Armenian who conducted them ; 
so that on their return to their lodging they should find 
the fifteen hundred manudes; and he sent them be- 
sides three carts and six bullocks to carry their loads, 
and three horses for them to ride, all of which were of 
great service to them, and especially the money; for 
the Armenian had no passport to conduft them to 
Cambaya, but to Schind ; so that without it they would 
have been very poorly lodged. 

The son of the Great Mogor had with him at that 
time only four or five thousand horse ; but it was said 
that twenty thousand had already gone on in advance, 
with four hundred elephants, seven hundred camels, 
forty or fifty dromedaries, four thousand bullocks, 
fifteen large pieces of cannon and four small, with some 
culverins and falconets. He went to this war with a 
good courage, and with great hopes of gaining posses- 



sion of the kingdom of the Decan. But he was as yet 
inexperienced ; and as he allowed himself to be guided 
by the young, paying no attention to the counsels of 
his elders, his aftions were not of the wise^l,^ from 
which the Fathers prophesied that he would be de- 
feated; and that, as we shall presently relate, is what 
happened. He was by nature mild, kind, liberal, 
and good-tempered; but the youthful retainers by 
whom he was surrounded had already corrupted 
him. He had no respeft for the mosques of Mahomet, 
which he seldom entered; his sole pleasure was in 
the chase, in love-making, and in running hither and 

After his departure, the Fathers prepared to con- 
tinue their journey, which they were unable to pursue 
in the direftion of Schind, as commanded by the King, 
and as they had greatly desired to do, because the 
Governor of that place was Still occupied with his fa^l ; 
for when they make this fa^, they are not allowed to 
attend to any other affairs. Some fa^l for the space of 
twenty or thirty days, others for fifteen, and others 
again for only eight days.® The Fathers were travel- 
ling altogether for five months, although from Gk>a to 
Labor, where the Great Mogor resided, was but a two 
months' journey. They made some two hundred and 
thirty leagues by land, marching always in the coun- 
tries under his jurisdiction, but with much difficulty ; 
for the road from Cambaya to Labor lies, except for 
the la^l twenty leagues, where the country is of a better 
description, mainly through deserts and dry, sandy 
trails, where neither springs nor breams are to be 



found, but only sand everywhere, which is often lifted 
into the air by the wind, so that people are enveloped 
in it, and sometimes buried for ever. On this account, 
and also as a proteftion again^ robbers, those who 
make this journey usually travel in companies, which 
are known as cafilas^ or caravans. Like the travellers 
to Ormuz, of whom mention has been made, they 
choose a captain to lead and command their troop, 
which often contains two or three thousand persons. 
That which the Fathers joined consi^ed of four 
hundred camels, a hundred carts, and as many horses, 
and there were besides many poor folk who followed 
the others on foot. Before the caravan starts, the 
captain orders drums to be beaten three times. When 
the firft drums are heard, they all fold up the tents in 
which they have slept during the night. On the second 
signal, the camels and carts are loaded; and on the 
third, the caravan moves forward. When travelling by 
night, in order that the people may not become 
separated from one another, the drummers lead the 
way, beating their drums continuously. They also 
give the signal when a halt is to be made. Ordinarily 
the caravan ^ops at night for repose; but halts are 
also made in places where it is known that wells have 
been dug. Such wells are usually forty or fifty fathoms 
deep; and to raise the water they use the bullocks 
which draw the carts. One of the Fathers has written 
that there was great scarcity of water on this journey; 
for that which they found was frequently as salt as the 
water of the ocean. " This,*' he writes, " I should 
never have credited if I had not experienced it, see- 



ing how far away we were from the sea-coa^.'* They 
also suffered severely from the heat^ while no food 
was procurable on the way, because the country 
was a desert. 

In the middle of March, they reached a town called 
Amadaba/*^ where they saw three remarkable things. 
One was a logue, who had e^ablished himself in the 
middle of the great square of the town, whither people 
flocked from all parts to see him. For he was esteemed 
a great Saint, because of the austerities which he 
practised, a cuftom, as we have elsewhere remarked, 
followed by the majority of these logues, at lea^ for 
a time. He whom the Fathers saw at Amadaba was 
so arrogant and conceited, that when the King's son, 
Soldan Morad, of whom we have spoken above, sum- 
moned him to his presence, he contemptuously told 
those who had been sent to fetch him, that the Prince 
could come and see him if he chose, " for my holiness 
well merits it." When the Prince was informed of this 
reply, he had the logue soundly flogged, and banished 
him from the country in which he then was, which his 
presumption and conceit richly deserved. 

Another notable thing was a superb building which 
they came upon about a league and a half from 
Amadaba. It was the tomb of a Cazique who had 
been the in^ruftor of a certain king of Guzarate, who 
erefted this building in honour of his preceptor, he 
himself and three others being buried in another 
chapel. It was conftrufted entirely of beautiful marble, 
highly polished. It had three inner courts, in one of 
which the Fathers counted four hundred and fifty 



marble pillars, each thirty feet high, with their bases 
and capitals in the Corinthian ^yle. On one side 
of it there was a lake larger than the square in 
Lisbon which is called Rozzio. It was a very elaborate 
building, and designed with marvellous art. Though 
in a barbarous land, it was free from all trace of 

Here too they saw many Mahometans, both men 
and women, who were going to make the pilgrimage 
to Meque, and from whom they learnt a very curious 
and amusing thing, namely that, as unmarried women 
are forbidden by their false prophet Mahomet to make 
the pilgrimage, the younger women, who go in as large 
numbers as the older, all get married beforehand, so as 
not to break the law. After their return, they are free 
to part from their husbands, if they have a mind to 
do so.^2 

The Fathers left Amadaba on the 19th of March, 
and late on the 24th reached another town called 
Patana.i^ The following day being the eve of the 
Passover, they flayed there three days to celebrate the 
festival. Many Christians who had joined the caravan 
confessed to them ; but a difficulty arose in the case of 
some Armenians, for these people do not follow the 
Gregorian calendar. However, whether through fear 
(for they had to return through Portuguese territory), 
or because they were convinced of the truth, they 
joined in the celebration, with the exception of an 
obstinate old doftor, who said that the Fathers had 
misreckoned the date by five weeks, so that he made 
the Passover come on the Sunday that is before the 



feail of the Ascension. As they continued their journey, 
they passed through many towns and large cities which 
were mostly in a Stzte of ruin, particularly the mosques, 
which had not been rebuilt. Finally, on the 5th of the 
month of May, 1595, they entered the town of Lahor, 
having set out from Goa on the 3rd of December of 
the preceding year. 



The Fathers at Court 

On being informed that the Fathers had reached Lahor, 
the King sent one of his captains to welcome them on 
his behalf, and to tell them how happy he was to hear 
of their safe arrival. Shortly afterwards they went to 
pay their respefts to him, and met with a very courteous 
reception. He greeted each of them with a friendly 
embrace, as did also the Prince his son, who was then 
thirty-one years of age.^ The King showed, both by 
his manner and his words, the pleasure it gave him to 
see them at his court; and he appointed for their 
lodging a large house he had once occupied himself, 
which was close to the river, so that their door was but 
fifteen yards from its brink. Here they were far re- 
moved from the noise and turmoil of the town. Only 
those to whom they gave permission could pass their 
lodging ; for the King's guards allowed no one to go 
by that way, because it lay under the windows of the 
royal palace. 

The night following their arrival, his Majesty sent 
for them, and showed them the pi6bires of our Saviour 
and our Lady, which Father Rodolfe had given him, 
holding them in his arms as reverently as though he 
had been a Christian. As soon as the Fathers saw the 
pidhires, they fell upon their knees to do them rever- 



ence, as was fitting ; seeing which the little grandson* 
of the King also knelt down, and clasped his hands 
together. This greatly pleased the King, who txirned 
with a smile to his son the Prince, and father of the 
child, and said, " Look at your son." He next showed 
them his books, which the same Father had left with 
him. Among^ these were the following : The Royal 
Bible in four languages, the Concordances, the Sum- 
mary of the Theology of St. Thomas, in four volumes, 
the Book again^l the Gentes, with another again^ the 
Jews and the Saracens by the same author, Soto, St. 
Antonin, the Hi^lory of the Popes, the Chronicle of 
St. Frangois, Sylue^bre, Nauarre, Caietain, all in dupli- 
cate ; and besides these the Ordonnances of Portugal, 
the Commentaries of Alfonse Albuquerque, the Con- 
stitutions of the Company of Jesus, the Spiritual 
Exercises of the blessed Father Ignace de Loyola, 
founder of the same Society, the Latin Grammar of 
Emanuel Aluarez, and many others.* He lent the 
Fathers such of them as they desired to make use of, 
and they took away with them those mentioned above. 
For the re^l, both the King and his eldest son used the 
Fathers with much kindness, and it was noticeable that 
his Majefty showed greater attention to them than to 
any of those who were about him, though these in- 
cluded the greater Lords of his kingdom ; for he kept 
them constantly beside him, and even invited them, 
from time to time, to sit on the cushion, or pillow, 
which he alone, and his son the Prince, were accus- 
tomed to occupy. 

One day as he was walking in a gallery which 



overlooked the courtyard of the Palace, where all the 
Governors, Magi^rates, and Captains were assembled 
to speak with him, the Fathers appeared on the scene, 
having come on purpose to visit him. As soon as the 
King saw them, he made them approach, and received 
them with great honour, bowing his head to them in 
salutation, and assigning them the highe^ places. 
None of the kings or princes present received so much 
honour; though some of them had come for the fir^l 
time, to make submission as his tributary. There was 
one who came for this purpose on the 28th of Auguft, 
1595, whose reception was much less cordial than that 
of the Fathers. This King,^ when he entered the hall 
where the Great Mogor was seated, and while yet a 
long way off, bowed himself down, touching the 
ground with his hands and head; then, advancing 
little by little, he made the same reverence several 
times. When he had come near to the King, he was 
felt all over, to see if he carried arms ; after which he 
advanced and touched the feet of his Maje^y, who 
made no other motion or sign of his goodwill be- 
yond placing his hand on his vassaFs neck; and 
even this was more than he did to others. The new 
Tributary then rose to his feet and took the place as- 
signed to him, and which he kept from that time 
forward, amongft the other Princes and Captains of 
the court. 

It may be mentioned in passing that this Tributary 
made a present to the Great Mogor which was e^i- 
mated to be worth two hundred thousand crowns. It 
consi^ed of a pair of poniards with their sheaths and 


!^TE IV 


r t 


girdles of fine gold covered with precious ^ones of 
great value, such as rubies and carbuncles, all set in 
gold; a pair of good-sized vials, all of gold, and 
another of the same metal, but larger ; a horse splen- 
didly furnished, having all about his harness many 
precious ftones set in gold, together with a hundred 
and fifty other horses, ten mares, and fifty camels 
housed in green and crimson velvet; and lazily four 
carpets, each of which was worth two thousand crowns. 
And what is more, he deemed it a high favour that the 
King was willing to accept this present. 

This was followed by a second present, of no less 
value, sent to him by his son Soldan Morad, then at 
Guzarate. It consi^ed of fifty elephants, which were 
worth a hundred and fifty thousand crowns ; a chariot 
of gold, and another of silver; some beautiful orna- 
ments made of nacre [mother-of-pearl]; and many 
other of the moft coftly things procurable. At the 
same time there was brought a third present from the 
Viceroy of Bengala, which was valued at eight hundred 
thousand crowns; for he sent, in addition to other 
things, three hundred elephants. It was a very ordi- 
nary thing for such presents to be made to the King. 
Those which he received in the course of a week 
(so writes Father Pignero) frequently amounted to 
a million d^or. In particular, at the feaS: which 
they call Neroza [nau-roz^ or New Year], an in- 
finity of presents of great value are brought to him 
from all parts. A single captain made him one that 
was animated to be worth at lea^l five himdred 
thousand crowns. From this it can be imagined 
F 65 


how great mu^l be the treasure which this Prince has 

But to turn to other subjefts. The King's reverent 
regard for objedls relating to the Christian faith, gave 
the Fathers great hopes of his conversion. The piftures 
he possessed of our Saviour and our Lady were some 
of the be^l that had been sent from Europe. These 
he held in high veneration, taking great pleasure in 
showing them to his friends, often holding them in his 
arms till he was weary, for they were large and heavy. 
He came one day to a feaft which the Fathers were 
celebrating, and was present whil^ they recited the 
Litany, throughout which he remained on his knees 
with his hands clasped, as though he had been a 
Chri^ian prince. He looked long and attentively at 
the pidhires in the Chapel, and enquired about the 
mysteries which they represented. He also lent the 
Fathers, in response to a hint which they had thrown 
out, his own beautiful pifhires for the fczSt of the 
Assumption, and sent them in addition some hangings 
of silk and of gold cloth, with which they decorated 
their chapel very splendidly. We learn this from a 
letter written to the reverend Father General of the 
Company on the 20th of August, 1595, by Father 
Hierosme Xauier, who added that the King showed 
special devotion and affeftion for the glorious Virgin 
Mary. His eldest son, he Elated, showed a similar de- 
votion, and was very angry with those who had 
conduced the Fathers, because they had not brought 
him any pidhire of our Lady from Goa ; and speaking 
to another who was about to set out for those parts, 



he charged him to buy certain pieces which he desired 
to have, bidding him above all things not to forget to 
bring a beautiful pidure of our Lady. As the Fathers 
had brought with them a Portuguese painter, the 
Prince ftraightway ordered him to make a copy of the 
pidhire of our Lady which they had brought from Goa ; 
and having seen, on the day that he came to the chapel 
with the King his father, an embossed image of the 
little infant Jesus, and another of a crucifix, he ordered 
similar ones to be made for himself in ivory by his 
own craftsmen. He showed much aflfeftion for the 
Fathers, and obtained for them from the King all that 
they desired. The fir^l day they spoke with him, he 
promised to find the means for the ereftion of a church, 
and obtained from his father a site for the building. 
He afterwards confirmed this, and said he would see 
that some of his father's officers were appointed to take 
the matter in hand. The King also gave the Fathers 
permission to baptise all who wished to become Chris- 
tians. He has, wrote the same Father Xauier,® 
praftically banished the seft of Mahomet from this 
country; so that in the town of Labor there is not 
now a single mosque for the use of the Saracens ; for 
those which were formerly there have been, by his 
orders, turned into tables, or into public granaries for 
the borage of wheat, rice, and other grain. The 
Alcorans also have been levelled with the ground. 
Besides this, the King, on every Friday, which is the 
day the Saracens regard as holy, has brought before 
him forty or fifty boars, which are provoked to fight 
with one another ; and he has their tusks mounted in 



gold- It is said that he does this for the sole purpose 
of bringing additional contempt on the Saracens, who 
detect these animals above all things.' 

By these and similar means he has deprived the 
Mahometan law of much of its credit in these parts* 
And yet one does not know for certain what law he 
follows ; for though he is certainly not a Mahometan, 
as his anions show plainly enough; and though he 
seems to incline more to the superstitions of the 
Pagans, Gentiles being more welcome at his court 
than Mahometans, he cannot be called an Ethnique; 
for he adores and recognises the true God, the maker 
of heaven and earth ; and yet, at the same time, he 
worships the sun. It is the opinion of many, says the 
same Father, that he aims at making a new religion, 
of which he himself is to be the head ; and it is said 
that he already has numerous followers ; but that these 
are for the moft part flatterers, or people who have 
been bribed by money It is more or less certain that 
he has a ftrong desire to b^ looked upon, and esteemed 
as a God, or some great Prophet ; and he would have 
people believe that he performs miracles, healing the 
sick with the water with which he washes his feet. 
Many young women pay vows to him to get their 
children cured, or that they may have children. And 
if these things come to pass, they bring him offerings, 
as to a saint, which, though they may be of little worth, 
are willingly received and highly valued by him. Thus 
did Father Xauier write of this Prince, showing whither 
ambition leads those who are unre^rained by the fear 
of that sovereign Monarch who cafts down the mighty 



from their thrones, and exalts them that are humble. 
Some think, says the same Father, that he follows the 
opinions of the Vert^as^ (of whom we have spoken in 
Book II). But it seems probable that he is drifting 
hither and thither, like a ship without a rudder, not 
knowing what haven to make for. He frequendy urges 
the Fathers to acquire the Persian language, in order 
that he may discourse with them without an inter- 
preter; and once he sent word to them by a certain 
person high in his confidence, and whom he employed 
on matters of a religious nature, that if they underwood 
Persian they could cut the knot by which the bonds 
that held him faft were secured. It is on this account, 
and to this end, that the Fathers are ^dying the 
Persian tongue. With a similar obje£t they have 
opened schools in which all who desire it may learn 
to read and write Portuguese, and by this means may 
be the more easily taught the do6b:ines of Christianity. 
Many of the children of the princes and nobles come 
to this school, among them three sons of a certain king 
who is a vassal of the said Echebar.^^ Some of these 
disciples are anxious to be baptised, and have already 
begged the Fathers to grant their desire. One of them 
seeks to become not only a Chri^an, but a monk. He 
publicly condufts himself as a Christian ; and one day, 
on entering the chapel, he threw aside his turban, and 
kneeling down before the altar, said, in a loud voice, 
these words : " O Saviour, Jesus-Chrift, remember 
me I " Another of their disciples, having been rebuked 
by a Saracen who came to learn Persian with the 
Fathers, because he had not failed on a day on which 



the Mahometans are accu^omed to fa^l very ^riftly, 
said, " Who has commanded this fa^l ? " " Mahomet," 
replied the Saracen. " And who is Mahomet, if not a 
false prophet and an impostor ? " asked the youth. 
This so astonished the other that he topped his ears, 
so as not to hear such things. But he was obliged to 
swallow these words however much he disliked them ; 
for the youth was of such calibre that he did not dare 
to say a word in opposition; but begged his pardon 
for having rebuked him. 

Now though the King and the Prince his elde^ son 
had given permission for the building of a church, the 
Fathers, for certain reasons, pretended to have for- 
gotten it; and on the 5th of August, 1595, which was 
the day of our Lady of the Snows, the King again told 
them to build a church, and to baptise all those who 
desired, of their own free will, to become Christians. 
But when the Fathers requeued him to publish the 
same in writing, he answered that this was unnecessary 
in a place where he resided, in as much as his presence 
was living writing. Nevertheless, some time after- 
wards, he sent them letters-patent, which were very 
clear and sufficient.^ ^ Further, when Father Xauier 
called to mind how well-disposed he had found the 
inhabitants of Cambaya to receive the seed of the Holy 
Gospel,^^ he asked the King for letters-patent declaring 
that he permitted the Fathers of the Company to go 
there and preach the Christian faith, and his subjefts 
to accept the same. This the King -likewise granted, 
and the royal letters were sent. On receiving them, 
the Fathers sent those relating to Cambaya, or copies 



of them, to the Provincial of India, who selefted and 
despatched thither certain of the Fathers, as has been 
told in Book IL^^ In virtue of their own letters,^* 
they commenced to preach the faith of Jesus-Chri^ 
publicly in the city of Lahor, and to such good pur- 
pose that, by the month of September of the same year 
1595, there were several persons who had received 
baptism, and others who were desirous of receiving it ; 
and though these were persons of humble birth, they 
were souls redeemed by the priceless blood of the 
Lamb, as assuredly as if they had been of the higheft 
rank. Of this the Fathers made great account, regard- 
ing it as the firft-fruits of their newly planted vine, not 
doubting that He who had given it beginning would 
cause it to flourish ever more and more. 


On Tour with the King 

Although on the one hand the King seemed to enter- 
tain a high opinion of the Chriftian religion, as is plain 
from what has already been said, and that in many ways 
he gave it preference above all others, arousing thereby 
great hopes of his embracing it, yet, on the other hand, 
so ^ongly was he attached to his mad ambition to be 
efteemed as some great Prophet, or demi-god on earth, 
that there was no means of winning him to submission 
to the law of Christ. It is quite true that he held the 
law of Mahomet of no account; but he was much 
addifted to the worship of the sun, to which he made 
prayer four times a day, namely, in the morning when 
he arose, at noon, on retiring to bed, and again at 
midnight. On each occasion he repeated as many as 
a thousand and fifty names of the luminary, which he 
counted by means of small balls threaded like our pater- 
no^ers, but consi^ing of beautiful precious-clones.^ 
One often saw him doing reverence to the pictures of 
our Saviour and our Lady, and even wearing suspended 
from his neck by a gold chain, a reliquary, which had 
on one side of it an Agnus Dei, and on the other an 
image of our Lady. But one saw him also place him- 
self daily at a window of his palace where he could be 
seen by large numbers of people, who, as soon as he 



appeared, proftrated themselves, and worshipped him 
with a certain ceremonial that the Gentiles use when 
praying to their false gods.^ We have already spoken 
of his willing acceptance of the vows paid to him. 

These things, so contrary to one another, perplexed 
the minds of his subjects to such an extent that they 
knew not to what se6t or religion their King belonged. 
There were some who thought that he meant to invent 
a new religion, and to that end had summoned many 
learned men, well versed in all sorts of laws, to take 
from each that which seemed to him good. For seeing 
that, if he embraced the faith of Jesus-Chri^t, he would 
have to abandon many vices to which he had long been 
addifted, he wished, or so it was believed, to make a 
mixture of laws, or to try them all, until he found one 
which would allay the pangs of conscience, without 
necessitating a change in his mode of life.* But since 
it is impossible to find true repose outside the true 
faith, his labours were fruitless. 

Now in order to drive from his mind these illusions 
of the devil, and arouse him from his sleep of obstinacy, 
it pleased the good God, who desireth not the death of 
a sinner, but rather that he should be converted and 
saved, that he should xmdergo certain punishments. 
The fir^t was the defeat of his second son, the Soldan 
Morad, who, as narrated above, had been sent with a 
big army to Guzarate,^ to make war on Melique, king 
of the Decan, to whom belonged the town of Chaul, 
which the Portuguese now hold, on the sea-coa^ some 
fifty or sixty leagues to the north of Goa. This son 
was slain in the war ; and with him the King lo^t the 



braved Captains that he had.^ He received this news 
when he was celebrating the fea^l which they call New 
Yearns Day, which takes place when the sun enters the 
sign of Belier [Aries] ; so that we may believe that God 
purposed, by this means, to make him understand that 
he was being chastised for his foolish worship of the 
sun. Echebar, however, did not profit by this lesson. 
He soon afterwards sent another of his sons to con- 
tinue the war, giving him his own sword, and four 
hundred thousand crowns for his journey; while he 
himself continued to follow the same superftition. Our 
Lord, therefore, visited him with a second chastise- 
ment, sending it this time on the day of the Passover, 
in the year 1597, about the same time that a similar 
punishment befell the king of China, as will be nar- 
rated in its proper place,' WhilSl he was on the 
terrace of his palace, making, so it is said, a great feaSl 
in honour of the sun, in the presence of the Prince his 
eldeSl son, and many great lords and gentlemen of his 
court, behold, fire fell from heaven, and catching firSt 
the sumptuous pavilion of the Prince, burnt it to ashes 
before anyone dared to go near to extinguish it; for 
all were so amazed, that none had the courage to 
approach it. The fire spread thence to other tents on 
the same terrace, enveloping them likewise, with the 
thrones, seats, and other valuable things which they 
contained. AmongSl these was a massive throne of 
gold, estimated to be worth a hundred thousand 
crowns, which was either melted or loSt. But this was 
not all; for the flames reached even to the King*s 
palace, the greater part of which was reduced to 



Probably of the year 1589 

[face p. 74 


cinders. The latter, it is true, was built only of wood. 
That which grieved the King moSt was the loss of all 
his treasures, both those which he had inherited from 
his anceftors, and those he had amassed during his 
own reign, and which were worth many millions in 
gold; for the fire consumed everything, including 
large quantities of draperies of cloth of gold and silk. 
It is said that the gold, silver, and other metals melted 
in this conflagration ran down the Greets like breams 
of water. 

In consequence of this disaster, the King at once 
left Lahor, though it was said that he had decided to 
do so before it happened, and went to spend the 
summer in the kingdom of Caximir [Kashmir], or as 
others call it, Cascimir, which he had recently con- 
quered.^ Thither he was accompanied, at his own 
reque^, by Father Hierosme Xauier and Benoi^l de 
Grois, Father Emmanuel Pignero being left at Lahor 
to complete the building of the church and the house> 
which had already been commenced. The kingdom 
of Caximir is one of the pleasante^ and moSt beautiful 
countries to be found in the whole of India, we may 
even say in the Ea5l. It is completely surroimded by 
very high mountains, which for the greater part of the 
year are covered with snow, and all the re£t of the 
kingdom is a beautiftil plain clothed in verdure, diver- 
sified with groves, orchards, gardens, and well watered 
by springs and rivers : a very pleasant land for those 
who dwell therein. Owing to the mountains, the 
climate of the country is somewhat cold, though it is 
more temperate than that of the kingdom of Rebat,* 



which joins Caximir on the eaft. In the month of May, 
great numbers of wild-duck come from the mountains 
of Rebat and settle in huge flocks on the breams which 
flow near to the town of Caximir^^** the capital of the 
kingdom, because of the warmer climate. About three 
leagues from the town there is a lake of sweet water 
which, though not more than two leagues in circuit 
and half a league broad, is so deep that large vessels 
can float upon it. In the middle there is an artificial 
island on which the King has a palace, where he re- 
freshes himself when he goes to shoot the duck which 
abound on this lake. On the banks of a river, the 
waters of which flow through the lake, there is a species 
of very large tree, the trunk and leaves of which re- 
semble those of the cheSnut, though it is quite a 
diflFerent tree.^^ The wood is very dry, and has a 
grain like rippling water ; it is much used for making 
small caskets and similar articles. The country abounds 
in wheat, rice, and other food grains. They plant vines 
at the roots of the mulberry trees, so that grapes and 
mulberries are seen hanging from the same branches. 
People say that this kingdom was one of the moft 
formidable in these parts, and that the Great Mogor 
would never have been able to subdue it but for the 
faftions which exi^led among^ the inhabitants. Know- 
ing that it was a kingdom divided againft itself, he in- 
vaded it with a large army, and easily made himself 
mafter of it. Formerly all the people of this country 
were Gentiles ; but about three hundred years ago they 
joined the se£t of Mahomet, and the majority of them 
are now Saracens. 



When the Great Mogor retired to this kingdom of 
Caximir, with all his household and family. Father 
Hierosme Xauier, observing that he had now more 
leisure, resolved to speak to him on the subjed: of his 
conversion, intending, when the opportunity offered, 
to remind him, on the one hand, of the great blessings 
he had received from God, and on the other hand, of 
the chaftisements which the same Seigneur had sent 
for his admonition, hoping that thereby he might in- 
duce him to hear with attention, and not at odd 
moments as hitherto, the things relating to the salva- 
tion of his soul, and that in the end he would find 
himself able to accept and follow the holy law. But 
when they reached Caximir, the Father was attacked by 
a severe illness, which ladled for the space of two 
months. During this time, the King showed him much 
kindness, giving orders for the liberal supply of all his 
wants, and sending his own physician to attend him; 
he even went in person to see him, which was a very 
special favour ; for it is his cuftom never to visit any- 
one. Towards the end of the summer, when the Father 
began to recover, the King himself fell sick. On several 
occasions during his illness, he sent for the Father, and 
had him brought to the chamber where he lay, which 
even the greater lords of his court were seldom per- 
mitted to enter. Owing to these illnesses, the Father 
had no opportunity, before the return to Lahor, of 
speaking to the King as he had intended on the subjeft 
of his conversion. 

Whilft they were in the kingdom of Caximir there 
was so grievous a famine^^ that many mothers were 



rendered de^itute, and having no means of nourishing 
their children, exposed them for sale in the public 
places of the city. Moved to compassion by this piti- 
able sight, the Father bought many of these little ones, 
who, soon after receiving baptism, yielded up their 
spirits to their Creator. A certain Saracen, seeing the 
charity of the Father towards these children, brought 
him one of his own ; but the Father gave it back to 
the mother, together with a certain sum of money for 
its support ; for he was unwilling to baptise it, seeing 
that, if it survived, there was little prospeft of its being 
able to live a Christian life in that country. At daybreak 
the next morning, however, the mother knocked at the 
door of his lodging, and begged him to come to her 
house and baptise the child, as it was about to die. 
Accompanied by some Portuguese, he went with her 
to the house and baptised the child, having firft 
obtained the consent of its father. The latter, after it 
was dead, wished to circumcise it ; but this the Father 
would not permit, but buried it with Christian rites. 
There was another mother, a Mahometan woman, who 
brought to him, under similar circumSances, her infant 
son to be baptised; and in this case, too, as soon as 
the rite had been performed, the spirit of the little 
sufferer ascended to heaven. 

When the summer had come to an end, the King 
set out on his return journey to Lahor. He had desired 
Father Xauier and his companion to travel with him ; 
but the latter, anxious to avoid the commotion of the 
court, asked and obtained permission to go on before. 
On their journey they suffered much from cold and 



hunger, as well as from the badness of the road; for 
they had to go by rough paths which were often so 
narrow that there was room for only a single horseman. 
They were obliged, therefore, to travel very slowly and 
to Stop frequently. Moreover, the elephant which 
carried their goods had great difficulty in climbing 
the mountains. Sometimes, feeling insecure on its 
feet, owing to the load which it carried, it supported 
itself with its trunk, making it serve the purpose of 
a aafF. 

At length, on the 13th of November, after many 
hardships, they arrived at Lahor, from whence they 
had set out on the 1 5th of May of the same year, 1597. 
The people of the town exhibited towards the Father 
and his companion a more friendly attitude than was 
their wont. It had previously been their praftice to 
throw ftones at them, and offer them other insults; 
but on this occasion they displayed neither incivility 
nor disrespeft. The King and the Prince arrived some 
days later, having lo^ on their way many horses and 
elephants, and several of their attendants. The Prince, 
too, had been in great danger of his life. One day, 
mounted on a female elephant without tusks, he went 
in pursuit of lions, and in the course of the chase, fell 
in with some lion whelps. As these were but half 
grown, the elephant had no difficulty in killing them 
with her trunk. The next moment, however, the 
lioness their mother appeared, and in her rage would 
have hurled herself upon the Prince, had he not pierced 
her with an arrow as she was in the aft of springing. 
But the wound was not mortal, and the inftiriated 



animal Still strove to reach him who had ^ruck ] 
to rend him with her claws and teeth. Again 
Prince discharged his arquebus, piercing her throi 
and through a second time; but the savage bea^ 
not vanquished ; and goaded to even greater fury, 
sprang upon the elephant, and so nearly reached 
Prince that he was splashed with the foam from 
mouth. Seeing himself in such danger, he grasped 
arquebus like a club, and with the butt dealt 
lioness so severe a blow on the head, that she fel 
the ground dunned. A soldier then came up 
killed her with his sword; but not before she 
avenged herself on her la^l assailant, whom she 1 
severely with her claws. Perhaps it was our Savio 
will to save the Prince from this danger in order 1 
the Church might increase, and many souls win sa 
tion, when he came to the throne. 

We muft now return to the Fathers. It was at 
feftival of Noel, at the close of this same year, that 
companion of Father Xauier, Benoiil de Gois, ador 
the altar of the newly built church with a small ere 
representing the birth of the Son of God. This 
designed with such skill, and decorated it so bea 
fully, that not only the Chri^ians, but Pagans 
Saracens came in large numbers to see it, in so m 
that, to satisfy all, it was necessary to keep the a 
thus garnished until the oftave of the Three Kit 
On Christmas night, they played a paftorale in 
Persian language, illu^ating the my^ery of 
Nativity of our Saviour, introducing into it vari 
Indu^lani^^ phrases and sayings. This was gre 




[/flce p 80 


appreciated by the people of the country, and also by 
some of the Saracens, and gave to many a new idea of 
the Chriftians and their law. Several pro^rated them- 
selves before the image of Jesus-Chri^, worshipping 
Him as though He were aftually lying in the manger. 
The Gentiles manifefted greater approval of these 
things than the Saracens. Some of them even paid 
vows to our Lady, and brought her offerings according 
to their means. Amongst these was a woman who, on 
being asked the reason for her gift, replied, " I be- 
sought the Bili [^'^i, ' lady '] Mariam to grant me a 
son ; and having obtained my desire, I bring this as a 
thank-offering to her for her goodness." 

But it was not only the humble people who displayed 
afFeftion for the things of our faith. One day, a Prince 
came and presented two beautiful candles, each four 
feet long, and so large round that it required two hands 
to grasp them. The Prince took one of these, and with 
closed eyes, as if engaged in meditation or in prayer to 
God, charged the Father to burn it in honour (as he 
said) of the Seigneur Jesus-Chri^. He then presented 
the other to be burnt in honour of the Lady Mary. 
After this, he gave as alms the equivalent of thirty 
crowns, which sum was, by order of the Father, dis- 
tributed amongft the pooreft of the Chriftians. The 
King^s eldest son was likewise very favourably disposed 
towards the Chriftian faith, and lo^ no opportunity of 
defending it. He publicly expressed his devotion to 
our Lord and our Lady, and placed their piftures, on 
which he delighted to gaze, in his own chamber. 
Whenever the Portuguese, or other Chri^ians at the 

G 8i 


coxirt, obtained good copies of such pi6bires from India 
or Portugal, they used to present them to the Prince, 
knowing that this would greatly please him. That 
which more than anything else prevented him from 
embracing our faith was his incontinency. He once 
said that if the law of the Evangelifts permitted several 
wives, many would accept it; "for all else that it 
teaches is,'* he said, " both good and reasonable." It 
is not to be wondered at that he found such diflficulty 
in overcoming his carnal desires; for though he was 
not yet thirty-six years oM, he had already married a 
score of wives. 

About this time, the Father Provincial of India 
wrote a letter to the King, which he requeued Father 
Xauier to deliver. As it is the cu^om in this country 
never to appear before princes empty-handed, the 
Father took with him, and presented in the name of 
the Father Provincial, two beautiful piftures which 
had come from lappon, one representing our Saviour, 
and the other the blessed Father Ignace Loyola.^* 
These greatly pleased the King, especially the latter, 
which he had not seen before. He asked whose por- 
trait it was, and the Father then told him the ftory of 
the blessed Father Ignace, to which he likened with 
much interest, and at its conclusion begged the Father 
to set it down in writing in the Persian language. At 
this moment they were joined by the Prince, who, on 
seeing the portrait, requeued his father to lend it to 
him, that he might have another painted like it. A day 
or two later, when the Father was again visiting the 
King, his Maje^ handed him the letter he had received 



from the Father Provincial, requeuing him to read it 
aloud before his courtiers. This he did, reading it fir^l 
in Portuguese, and afterwards explaining it in Persian. 
While listening, the King showed by signs his approval 
of what the Father Provincial had written to him : how 
that he felt under a deep obligation to his Majesty for 
the many favours and the kind treatment which those 
of the Company had received at his royal hands, and 
how he had caused him to be commended to our Lord 
Jesus by all his flock. In pronouncing this holy name 
the Father uncovered and bowed his head with great 
reverence ; whereon the King, wishing to explain the 
meaning of this z£t of homage, took his hand, and 
turning to his courtiers said, " The Chriftians have a 
great respeift for this holy name, Jesus, and that is the 
reason why the Father uncovered his head as he uttered 
it." He then asked the Father if this was not so, who 
replied that his Majesty had said rightly. 

After the letter of the Father Provincial, another was 
read which had been written to the King by Father 
Monserrat, who had been at his court the firil time 
with Father Rodolfe, and who, after having been six 
years in captivity, as has been related above, had re- 
turned to 'pi^e King wished to know the reason 
why he had been captured and so badly treated by the 
Turcs. Father Xauier said that the Saracens and 
Turcs were sworn enemies of the Chri^ians, and 
especially of the Fathers of the Order, whom they ill- 
treated in every way possible because of their opposition 
to the law of Mahomet; although, he added, they 
ought to love them because of their desire to show 



them the true road to salvation. He then went on to 
narrate how, on a previous occasion, the Father 
Abraham George,i^ who had gone to Ethiopie, had 
been killed because he had refused to deny his faith, 
and embrace Mahometanism. Many Mahometans 
who were with the King were offended at his dis- 
course. One of them, out of the friendship which he 
had for the Father, advised him to be more guarded 
in his language when speaking of the law of Mahomet ; 
" For," said he, " there are none but Mahometans 
present; and when you speak evil of their law, they 
thir^l for your blood ; and even I, who am your sincere 
and firm friend, when I hear you speak ill of our 
Prophet, am so angered that I could plunge my dagger 
into your body," 

As for the King, though willing to liSen to dis- 
cotirses on the Chri^ian faith, he showed no signs of 
abandoning his super^itious worship of the sun, which 
he adored every day at sunrise, and an image of which 
he kept constantly near him. He was, otherwise, ftill 
in a ftate of irresolution, not knowing where to fix his 
faith. He told Father Xauier that some twenty years 
previously he had caused thirty little infants to be shut 
up before they had learnt to talk, and had had them 
ftriftly watched, to prevent the nurses that fed them 
from teaching them the language of the country, de- 
siring to know by this experiment what language they 
would speak when they grew up ; for he had intended, 
he said, to follow the law of that nation whose language 
they spoke. But he found when he released them, 
that none of these children could utter diSlinftly or 



intelligibly a single word; and on this account he 
decided not to change his law.^' 

Although, as we have shown, the Fathers enjoyed 
the good-will of this great monarch, they were called 
upon to face many violent ftorms, I shall describe one 
of these, which arose in the following manner. There 
was in the town of Lahor a certain Armenian, a member 
of the Chriftian community, though in his manner of 
life he resembled a Saracen, or Txarc, rather than a 
Christian, who, having loft his wife, desired to marry 
her niece; and when the Fathers refused to permit 
this inceftuous imion, he contrived to induce the King 
to ask, or order them, if not to consent, at any rate to 
shut their eyes to the transaction. His Majefty accord- 
ingly summoned them to appear before him. The 
Fathers, suspecting the reason of this summons, hastily 
committed themselves to Gk)d, and putting on the 
armour of fteadfaftness and prayer, a surer defence 
than a panoply of fteel, made their way to the palace, 
resolved to die rather than countenance so evil a deed. 
Their companion, Benoift de Gois, remained in the 
house during their absence. The latter, though he 
avoided the court as much as he could, was anxious to 
accompany them on this evening, that he might share 
with them the crown of martyrdom, if they were called 
upon to die in the cause of righteousness. As they 
would not permit this, he assembled in the house as 
many of the little Chriftian children and catechumens 
as he could coUeft, and, whilft the Fathers were at the 
palace, made them a long exhortation, encouraging 
them to die firmly for the Chriftian faith; this was 



followed by the discipline/^ and a devout prayer that 
it would please God to give the Fathers courage to 
resi^ the enemies, at whose instigation the King was 
pressing them to consent to the inceSl of the Armenian. 
But the affair passed off more quietly than they had 
anticipated; for the King, though he urged them 
Strongly to consent to the marriage, seeing that they 
were resolved to die rather than approve of such a sin, 
ceased to press them further.^^ He was, however, 
moved to anger by the outspoken reply of Father 
Xauier to his question : " What harm is there if a man 
marries two siSlers, or a daughter of one of them, and 
adopts my religion ? " (For the Armenian, seeing that 
that which he desired would not be permitted under 
the Christian law, had abandoned it, and joined that 
of the King.) The harm, Father Xauier told him, was 
that he was abandoning the road to paradise for the 
road to hell ; for the Armenian, he said, and every one 
else who became a follower of that law, and died in the 
same, would assuredly be damned. This answer, as I 
have said, displeased the King, in as much as it con- 
demned before all his courtiers the law which he had 
framed. He, nevertheless, controlled his resentment, 
and looked at the Fathers without anger. 

But if the King was displeased, there were many 
among those present on this occasion who marvelled 
greatly to see the Christians willing and prepared to 
shed their blood in defence of their law, whilSt the 
Saracens were unwilling to endure the smalleSt incon- 
venience to uphold their Alcoran. ^ The Prince, when 
he heard that the Armenian had abandoned his faith, 



was very angry, and had a great desire to punish him, 
but was retrained by fear of his father. 

The Armenian's desertion of the faith of our Saviour 
was more than counterbalanced by the many un- 
believers who, in the same year 1598, were converted 
and baptised at Lahor, though these were all people 
whose lives were despaired of ; for the Fathers did not, 
at firft, baptise those likely to live long, for fear that 
they might afterwards renounce their faith; for they 
are a fickle and incon^ant people. There were, how- 
ever, two cases in which the rite not only saved the 
soul, but cured the body. On the other hand, some 
Saracen children, whom their parents had brought to 
Lahor to be baptised, died almoft as soon as the rite 
had been performed, and went to dwell in heaven. In 
another case, a nobleman of the country, whose wife 
had given birth to a child at the same hour in which 
our Lord was born, brought the infant to the church, 
and placing it beside the creche which adorned the altar, 
permitted it to be baptised, after which both he and his 
wife were enrolled as catechumens, and commenced to 
learn the Christian doftrine, so that, when sufBciently 
in&ufted, they too might receive baptism. 

The lot of another woman was less happy, though 
that of her child was in a special degree blessed. This 
was a certain Mahometan woman who, having given 
Birth to a child on the eve of Eafter, brought it, three 
weeks later, to the Fathers, and earneftly begged them 
to baptise it. After her wish had been granted, her 
neighbours and relatives taunted her so bitterly and 
tmceasingly with the shame of having a Chri^ian child, 



that at Ia^5 unable to endure their reproaches, she 
resolved to put an end to them by putting an end to 
the life of her child; and on the eve of the Ascension 
of our Lord (in the year 1598), which was eighteen 
days after its baptism^ and forty days after its birth, 
she caused its death by mixing poison with its milk. 
For seventeen hours the child endured violent convul- 
sions of the ftomach, its sufferings being but too plainly 
indicated by its cries and moans, and the writhings of 
its little body. It died on the altar of the chapel where 
it had been baptised, confessing the faith of Jesus- 
Christ, not by words, but by dying for it. Father 
Pignero wrote that, after this little infant had yielded 
up its spirit, its face remained so beautiful and re- 
splendent, that it seemed as if God wished to show in 
its countenance the glory which its thrice-happy soul 
was enjoying in paradise. 

About this time, the Great Mogor, having returned 
from Caximir to Lahor, and having already sent one 
of his sons to continue the war againil Melique, king 
of the Decan, who had slain his second son, the Soldan 
Morad, resolved to proceed to the war in person, at 
the head of a large army. He accordingly set out from 
Lahor in the direftion of Agra, the capital of a kingdom 
of the same name which he had conquered a short time 
before,^ This town of Agra is distant about a hundred 
leagues from Lahor, and in a southerly direftion, the 
kingdom of the Decan lying ftill further to the south. 
The King marched in such grand array, that eight 
hundred elephants and seven thousand camels scarcely 
sufficed to carry his tents and pavilions ; which is not 



to be accounted Strznge^ seeing that his Secretary took 
with him seven hundred camels and seventy elephants. 
Finding that the King was setting out for these regions, 
Father Xauier offered to accompany him, if it should 
be his pleasure. This he did for sundry reasons ; but 
chiefly that he might maintain him in his good opinion 
of the Christian religion, and his aflfeftion for the Com- 
pany. The Father's proposal greatly pleased the King, 
who embraced him very kindly, and told him he gladly 
consented to it. He at once gave orders that he should 
be supplied with money, horses, elephants, camels, and 
all else that he needed. The Father said that one 
camel for his companion and himself would suffice; 
but he was not allowed to take less than four. 

This expedition of the Great Mogor caused much 
alarm amongft all the kings of these regions; and 
indeed they had reason to fear a monarch so powerful, 
and who approached their territories with so great an 
army. Nevertheless, having arrived at Agra, he re- 
mained there more than a year,^^ During this time 
the Father Xauier was not idle. He obtained per- 
mission from the King to send for some more Fathers 
of the Society to be the companions of Father Pignero, 
who had remained at Lahor to keep the new Christians 
SleadfaSl in their faith and piety; and we may here 
recount a conversation which the Father had with the 
King in the town of Agra, on the i6th of the month 
of July in the year 1599. On that day, finding his 
Majefty in a favourable humour, he told him that he 
had something to say which he desired to communicate 
to him privately, so that none should overhear, if he 



would be pleased to li^en to him. The King, there- 
upon, withdrew from those who ^ood around him, 
and, taking the Father aside, asked what it was that 
he wished to tell him. Following the in^lruftions he 
had received from the Provincial, the Father said, 
" Sire, we have received letters from our Superior, who 
writes thus : ' Since you have now been five years with 
the King, and have acquired the language of the 
country, I have no doubt that he is now able to under- 
stand you well. Therefore you will humbly beg him, 
since he has called you to hear the declaration of the 
Gospel, now to say what he requires of you, so that I 
may decide how I ought to employ you.' After 
reading the letter, the Father continued : " It is a great 
trial and grief to us to remain at your court without 
being able to accomplish anything. We therefore beg 
your Majefty to be pleased to listen to us, in accord- 
ance with the promise made to U5 on the day that we 
arrived at your court, so that you may hear what con- 
cerns your salvation, and that you may discover the 
truth, which you have assured us it is your desire to 
know." The King, having listened to the Father's 
complaint, answered in these terms : I acknowledge 
that I have sununoned you in order to tmderSland and 
know the truth, so that I may embrace and follow the 
law which I find mo^ in conformity with reason. But 
I am now proceeding to the Decan, where I shall halt 
very close to Goa. I shall then be less occupied with 
other affairs, and shall have leisure to attend to you. 
It is,'* he went on to say, ** because of my special desire 
to speak with and listen to you, that you have been 



sent to me. But how can you say that the time you 
have spent with me has been profitless, seeing that 
formerly the Saracens had so much credit in my land 
thatj if any had dared to say that Jesus-Chriil was the 
true God, he would straightway have been put to death ; 
whereas you are now able to say this, and to preach the 
same in all security?*' The Father acknowledged 
that this was so, and expressed his gratitude, again 
begging his Maje^y to hear at his leisure the explana- 
tion of the Chri^ian law, both for his own salvation 
(which was his chief concern), and that of many others, 
as well as to afford him and his companions some con- 
solation for their labours. This the King promised he 

would do; and with that the interview came to an 

We muSt now, for a brief space, return to Labor, 
There, since the departure of Father Xauier, who had 
followed the King to Agra, Father Pignero had bap- 
tised thirty-eight catechumens. Three of these, who 
were citizens of Labor, and had previously belonged 
to a Pagan seft, exhibited great courage in overcoming 
the ob^acles placed in the way of their conversion by 
their relatives and friends, who used to meet in secret 
to conspire against them, IcSt by their public profession 
of Christianity they should bring disgrace and dis- 
honour on their law. But these brave proselytes dis- 
played such constant resolution that they triumphed 
over Satan and his band, and on the day of the Pentecoft 
of the year 1599, they, in company with others, were 
cleansed in the water of holy baptism. The ceremony 
was performed publicly, and with great magnificence, 



The street down which this holy company passed was 
decorated with green foliage, and shaded with palm 
branches. The candidates left the house in which the 
Fathers lodged in an orderly procession, each one 
carrying a palm leaf in his hand, while those who were 
already Chri^ians walked two and two on either side 
of the ftreet, which was ^ewn with flowers. Musicians 
marched in front of them with drums, trumpets, 
clarions, flutes, and other musical inftruments, on 
which they played till the procession reached the 
church. There Father Pignero awaited them, robed 
in a surplice and cope, or pluvial. He received them 
at the entrance to the church, where was assembled so 
great a multitude of Pagans and Saracens that he knew 
not on which side to turn, nor how to conduft the 
service, because of the noise and tumult ; for as nothing 
like this had ever before been seen in the town, the 
people came in dense crowds, so that it was with diffi- 
culty that anything could be done. But at lail, having 
completed the sacred rites which it is cuftomary to 
perform at the church door, the Father led them inside, 
and baptised them, deriving therefrom as great comfort 
as those who received the divine sacrament. Many 
remarkable incidents happened on this occasion ; but, 
for the sake of brevity, I shall speak only of one, 
namely the baptism of a young girl who had not yet 
passed her fifteenth year. She had come there to see 
the ceremony; but, as water was being sprinkled on 
the heads of the candidates, she placed herself among 
them, and asked that she too might be baptised* As 
she had not been enrolled in the number of the cate- 



chumens, the Father told her that she mu^ wait until 
she had received the necessary inilru6lion, and when 
she understood the Chriftian do6trine, her wish would 
be granted. " But what more have I to learn ? '* she 
asked. " I have heard the explanation of the catechism, 
and know all that a Christian ought to know. I want 
to be baptised with these others, and I will not leave 
the church till my wish has been granted.*' Seeing 
her resolution, the Father asked her where she had 
learnt about Chri^ianity. She replied that she had 
likened while inftruftion was being given to others; 
and, indeed, when the Father then and there put her 
to the teft, he found that she knew the catechism well. 
For this reason, and because of her prayers and impor- 
tunity, he baptised her with the reft, and gave her the 
name Grace. Now when this young girl returned to 
her home, her parents, enraged at what she had done, 
heaped every kind of abuse upon her, and finally, with- 
out providing her with any means of support, drove 
her from their house, threatening to have her severely 
beaten if she went again to the church, or made any 
complaint to the Fathers. At the same time, a certain 
Saracen, at the inftigation of some evil spirit that she 
might be tempted the more, told her that he wished 
to marry her, thinking that in her deftitute condition 
she would willingly consent. But she replied with 
great firmness that she was a Chriftian, and according 
to the divine law she could not marry him. When this 
came to the ears of Father Pignero, he at once sent for 
the girl, that he might encourage her in her resolution, 
and strengthen her if she should waver. But she 



courageously prote^ed before him her readiness to die 
rather than quit the faith she had accepted at her 
baptism. Seeing that her determination was unshaken, 
the Father sent her to the house of a certain Chri^ian 
who was married. This greatly enraged the Saracen 
who wished to have her to wife; and the outcry he 
raised would have astounded anyone unused to the 
ways of the Induflans. At the same time her father 
and mother, finding that their threats were of no avail, 
and that all they said of the authority of the King and 
the indignation of their false prophet was wafted, 
carried their complaint to the Governor of the town, 
before whom they accused the Father of baptising 
the girl without their knowledge or consent. The 
Governor, thereupon, sent someone to the Father to 
enquire into the matter, and at the same time ordered 
the girl to be brought before him to be examined. 
When the Saracen became aware of the orders of the 
Governor, he hailened, accompanied by a crowd of 
people, to the house where the girl was, thinking that 
he already had his prey in his grasp. But he found 
there were others more cunning than himself ; for the 
Father, aware of what was going on, and left she should 
be entrapped on the road, sent her to the Governor 
well protefted, and by another route, to the great 
mortification of the Saracen. Moreover, Father 
Pignero, learning that many charges were to be made 
againft her, and that it was to be feared the judges 
would be won over by her adversaries, who would 
argue that her conduft was contrary to their Alcoran 
and to the ordinances of the King, immediately went 



himself to the house of the Governor, and by God's 
grace, arrived while the latter was questioning her. 
She showed her courage by the answers she gave, in 
one of which she said, " I am a ChriSian, and I do 
not recognise this man as my husband," Then 
approaching the Father, and taking hold of his cloak, 
she added, " This is he whom I regard as my father." 
On being again asked why she had quitted the law of 
Mahomet, she replied that it was because she had come 
to know that it was a worthless law and full of imtruths, 
and because, on the other hand, she was convinced that 
Jesus-Chrift was the true God, and Saviour of the 
world. The Saracens who were present could be seen 
now clenching their teeth, now blushing for shame, 
and now pale with anger; for their countenances 
changed every moment as they listened to the answers 
of this young girl, whose firmness and spirit filled 
them with amazement. Indeed, from the way in 
which she spoke of, and gave the reasons for her 
faith, it might have been supposed that she had 
imbibed it with her mother's milk; whereas it was 
only forty days before that she had commenced to 
learn the catechism. In short, she vanquished Satan 
and his band, to the great glory of God and the con- 
fusion of his enemies. For the Governor, perceiving 
her resolution, permitted her to follow the law which 
she had embraced; and the Father took her to the 
English chxirch, where she was married to a very 
hone^l Christian. The Saracen tried to ftop the 
marriage by a further outcry; but his attempt failed, 
and thus the affair ended happily. Such then was the 



State of Chri^ianity in the territories of the Great 
Mogor at the close of the year 1599. Since then, 
others have continued the work of the Mission, and 
many have joined the church in the town of Lahor, 
where the Fathers of the Company usually reside. 

But they were unable to accomplish their primary 
objeft, which was the conversion of King Echebar, 
who died at the end of the month of October in the 
year 1605, in the ^late of mind we have described, 
and without, so far as is known, having formed any 
definite intention of embracing Chri^ianity. The 
Fathers had earnestly considered whether they should 
speak to him once more on the subjeft ; and when they 
learnt the fatal nature of his malady, they hastened to 
the palace. On their arrival, however, finding that his 
condition was not so critical that his death was to be 
feared, they decided to defer their purpose till another 
occasion. But they never saw him again ; for, a day 
or two later, the poison, jfrom which it was believed he 
was suffering, suddenly attacked the heart.^^ Remedies 
proved unavailing, and the Fathers had no further 
opportunity for speech with him. Thus God often 
forsakes at the hour of death those who forsake him 
in their lives, and pay no heed to his divine inspirations. 




At the Seat of War 

We have told, in the fourth book of this Hi^ory, how 
the King of Mogor, named Achebar, having deter- 
mined to conquer the kingdoms of the Decan, and 
others in India further to the south, set out from the 
city of Lahor, and having marched with his army to 
Agra, proceeded thence to the Decan. During this 
expedition, Father Hierosme Xauier, and his com- 
panion Benoift de Goes, kept themselves constantly 
by the King's side, in order to maintain him in the 
good afFeftion he appeared to have for the Chriftian 
faith, and the Fathers of the Company, That his time 
might not be spent idly, Father Xauier wrote a book 
to which he gave the title. The Fountain of Lije^ in 
which, by many forcible arguments, he e^ablished the 
truth of the Christian faith, and refuted the do£brines 
of the infidel sefts, and particularly of those who follow 
Mahomet. This book he dedicated to the King, whom 
he introduced into it in the charafter of a philosopher 
in search of the truth. Having completed it, the Father 
set himself to translate it into Persian, being assisted 
by certain persons learned in that language, though 
he himself had made such progress therein, that the 
Persians themselves confessed that they had learnt 
from him many new phrases and figures of speech.^ 
H 97 


The King continued his southward march with an 
army, horse and foot, of a hundred thousand men, and 
more than a thousand war-elephants. The mountains 
of Gat^3 y^Qj^Q crossed by passes so rough and diiSicult 
that it sometimes took a whole day to cover a distance 
equal to the range of an arquebus; for they had, it 
seems, to cut their way through the rock. One of the 
great captains,* who had been sent in advance with 
fifty thousand men, captured by force the chief ^rong- 
hold of King Melique,^ after which the Great Mogor 
had little difficulty in making himself mafter of his 
other forts. It was thought that he would now march 
forward to the conque^ of Idalcan® ; but, unwilling 
to leave any fortress of the enemy in his rear, he pro- 
ceeded towards the city of Breampur,'^ which, as we 
shall narrate later, he found deserted. 

In the confusion, worse than Babylon, of this great 
camp, Father Xauier and his companion performed 
their devotional exercises as earneftly and calmly as 
though they had been in some Chriftian town, cele- 
brating the holy mass in their portable church, and 
fulfilling all the other duties of their calling. But 
Father Pignero, who had remained at Labor to take 
care of the small band of Chri^ians that had been won 
for our Lord, was feeling the loneliness of his position, 
being separated nearly two hundred leagues from 
Father Hierosme (for the distance from Labor to 
Breampur was no less). On this account. Father 
Nicolas Pimenta, who was then Visitor, decided that 
a prie^l should be sent as companion to him, not only 
to comfort and encourage him in his labours, but in 



order that, if God should call one of them jfrom the 
world, the rich harve^ that had been gathered in 
might not be abandoned. The prie^ selefted for this 
purpose was Father Francois Corsi,^ who, after reach- 
ing Daman, proceeded to Cambaya, from whence it 
was his intention to visit Father Xauier, and consult 
with him touching his journey to Lahor, He reached 
Cambaya at the beginning of the month of March of 
the year 1 600. Here he was obliged to await a favour- 
able opportunity for making his way to the King*s 
camp. But his time was not wafted; for he greatly 
comforted the Chriftians who were there by his dis- 
courses and in^lruftion, as well as by celebrating the 
divine service of the holy mass, and admini^ering the 
sacraments, partictdarly the confession and the com- 
mimion, of all which privileges the people there were 
deprived, being without a Chriftian prie^. Here, too, 
the Baneanes® (who are certain Gentile merchants of 
India, living after the manner of the Pythagoreans) 
brought him the letters-patent of the King of Mogor, 
which had been sent by Father Xauier, containing 
permission for those of the Company to travel to Agra, 
Labor, and Catai [Cathay], with orders to the various 
governors to supply funds for their journeys, and 
provide them with tru^worthy guards. 

The Governor of Cambaya, on seeing these letters, 
oflfered to take Father Corsi with him, for he was on 
the point of setting out for the court ; but the Father, 
thanking him for his kindness, said that in ac- 
cordance with the orders of his Superior, he mu^ 
fir^l make known his arrival to Father Xauier. The 



Governor then offered him as much money as he 
needed for his journey. This likewise the Father 
declined ; whereon the Governor commanded his son, 
who was to administer the province during his ab- 
sence, to see that he was provided with everything 
that he needed. 

Some time afterwards, the Father left Cambaya, and 
reached the King's camp a month later, on the 4th of 
June* His journey had not been without danger. 
Soon after leaving Cambaya, he and those with him 
fell in with a band of five hundred robbers, from whom, 
by the will of God, they were delivered by none other 
than the captain of the band, which happened in the 
following amusing manner. The said captain, having 
entered the town of Cambaya (doubtless to ascertain 
the time at which the Father and his companions were 
to set out), the Governor, and Coge-Soldan Hamet,^*^ 
who went to Goa as ambassador of the King, sent for 
him, and charged him to conduft the Father, and those 
who travelled with him, in safety to Sambussar 
[Jambusir], which is two stages from Cambaya. This 
duty he faithfully accomplished, escorting them with 
a large body of horsemen. On the way, he pointed 
out to them the band of robbers, to whom, at the same 
time, he sent orders not to advance. 

From Sambussar they were escorted for a distance 
of three leagues by the captain of the town with a 
hundred horse and some elephants, after which they 
were sent on with forty soldiers, twenty mounted and 
twenty on foot, and all arquebusiers, who took .them 
as far as Baroche. Here they were met by a messenger 



with letters from Father Xauier; and they were also 
warned that there were robbers on the road they were 
to follow. They discovered, however, that these had 
been put to rout by the Governor of Cambaya, who 
had encountered them on his way back from the court, 
slaying five hundred of them, and capturing ten of 
their elephants. This we learn from a letter written 
by Father Cor si on the i2th of May. 

In a letter describing the laft portion of the journey, 
Father Corsi ^ates that they were accompanied by 
more than a thousand soldiers, moftly mounted, who 
had been sent by the King of Mogor to escort Meira 
Mu^taphar,!^ the son of the King of Guzarat^, who, 
on account of a certain affront he had received, had 
left the twenty companies of which he was the chief, 
and, out of spite, had become a logue. They were 
also joined by about four thousand merchants and other 
travellers. Nevertheless, about three stages from 
Breampur, they were attacked by a hostile force of 
more than four thousand horse; and a fierce confiift 
ensued, in which a hundred of the enemy were killed, 
and many wounded. Of the King^s troops, only 
twenty were killed. The lives of the others were saved 
by an elephant which rushed furiously againil the 
enemy's horse and threw them into such disorder that 
they were speedily put to rout. At la^l. Father Corsi 
reached the King's camp. He was received with great 
affedlion by Father Xauier and his companion; and 
the same day he went to pay his respefts to the Great 
Mogor. From Breampur he continued his journey to 
Labor to join Father Pignero. We shall refer to what 



he did there, after we have told the ^ory of the war 
of which we have spoken. 

It mu^ be ^ated at the outset that it had long been 
the intention of this King of Mogor^ called Achebar, 
to seize the whole of this region which is properly 
called India, and which lies between the two rivers, the 
Indus and the Ganges ; and being already in peaceful 
possession of the greater portion of it, he wished to 
make himself mafter of the remainder, taking fir^ of 
all the kingdoms of the Decan, and afterwards those 
of Goa, Malabar, and Bisnaga. When some years 
before he had gone to conquer the kingdom of Decan, 
the queen who then ruled, a woman of great spirit 
and courage, aided by the Portuguese and her own 
great lords, resisted him with such vigour that she 
slew many of his people at the entrance to the kingdom 
of Barara, where is a passage through the mountains 
forming an approach to this kingdom,^* But after her 
death, the Decanins divided themselves into various 
parties, which led to the complete ruin of their king- 
dom; for some were gained by money, while others 
were deceived by promises (each party seeking its 
own advantage), so that, as ordinarily happens in a 
kingdom divided againft itself, the road was left 
open to the enemy, with the result that the Great 
Mogor made himself mailer of the kingdom of 
Melique, in which he left a large force, and one of his 
sons to govern it. 

Passing from thence, he came to the kingdom and 
city of Breampur, which was at once abandoned by 
its King, named Miram,!^ who retired to the fortress 

1 02 


of Syr [Asirgarh]j his chief ^onghold, which on 
account of its site, and as possessing every other 
feature that could render a fortress ^ong, appeared 
to be impregnable, being placed on a high mountain 
five leagues in circuit, and surrounded by three con- 
centric lines of fortifications, so cunningly con^ufted 
that the holders of each line could assift in the defence 
of the other two. Besides water from a living well, 
there was within the fort sufficient wood, vegetables, 
and other provisions to support for many years the 
seventy thousand soldiers who defended it. It was 
fortified with three thousand pieces of artillery, moSt 
of which were so large that the noise of their discharge 
was like terrific thunder.^* There were in the fort, in 
addition to King Miram, seven other princes, each 
bearing the title of king, who, following the custom 
of the kingdom, remained shut up there with their 
families throughout their lives, unless the King died 
without issue, when the next in succession succeeded 
him.^^ The Governor of the kingdom, who was an 
Abyssinian and a very brave captain, was also there, 
and with him were seven other captains who, though 
of the seft of the Saracens, were of Portuguese descent. 
These eight captains were as aftive as they were 
courageous in their defence of this stronghold ; so that 
although the Great Mogor invefted it with as many as 
two hundred thousand men, he could achieve nothing ; 
for the situation of the fort, its artillery, and the 
bravery of the captains within, prevented him from 
approaching close enough to take it by Slorm* But 
money and presents, the moit effeftive engines for 



bombarding forts or capturing kingdoms^ brought 
about its downfall, as we shall now relate.^® 

His inability to approach the fort greatly vexed the 
Mogor, who, finding the lion's skin ineffefkive, 
changed it for that of the fox, making use of the arts 
of cunning and deceit, of which he was a mafter. He 
sent a message to King Miran, saying that he had a 
great desire to speak with him, and swearing by the 
head of the Prince (an oath which a king, in these 
parts, regards as inviolable, as when he swears by the 
head of his father) that he should return at once to his 
fortress without let or hindrance. The unhappy King 
deliberated whether or not he should go. The Abys- 
sinian governor and the other seven captains were 
finxily opposed to his leaving the fortress ; but certain 
others, who had already (as we may suppose) been 
won over by money, expressed the contrary opinion. 
Following the advice of the latter, the King set forth,!^ 
wearing about his neck a chapperon, which is made 
after the manner of a ^ole, and which reached to his 
knees, as a sign of subjection. As soon as he came 
within sight of the Great Mogor, he made three 
obeisances, to which the other paid no heed, remain- 
ing motionless as a statue. King Miran then came 
close up to him ; and as he was in the aft of making 
another obeisance, one of the captains laid hands on 
him, and pulling him downwards by means of his 
chapperon, forced him to touch the ground with his 
nose.i8 It cannot be supposed that he would have 
dared to aft thus without the consent of the Mogor, 
albeit the latter pretended that the incivility displeased 



him ; for he rebuked the captain^ though by no means 
severely. Having addressed some polite words to 
King Miran, he then and there made him write a letter 
p/ luifeit escrire tout aussy toSl une lettre . . .]^* to those 
who held the fir^ line of defence, giving them orders 
that, on receipt of his letter, they should at once give 
entrance to the lord who was approaching, and whose 
coming was free from evil intent. But afterwards, 
when he wished to return, the Great Mogor, either 
forgetting or disregarding his oath, caused him to be 
arreted. On learning this, the Abyssinian governor 
immediately sent one of his sons to the Mogor with 
a letter in which he said that he was detaining his 
King, who had come forth under his Maje^'s parole, 
and that it was unreasonable that he should hinder 
his return to his own people, since he had sworn 
to let him depart whenever he wished. He, therefore, 
prayed his Maje^ly to allow him to return, after 
which he could carry on the war in any way he 

The King, knowing that the Abyssinian was, as it 
were, the key of the fortress, and that if he could be 
gained over, the place would be surrendered forthwith, 
asked his son whether his father would come to him, 
if invited to do so. The young man boldly replied 
that since his father had sent him to deliver this 
message, it was plain that he was not a man to sur- 
render his fort in such a fashion, or to come there to 
parley ; and his Majesty, he said, might re^ assured 
that, as long as his father lived, he would never enter 
the fort. He added that if King Miran was not 



allowed to return, there was no lack of other kings in 
the fortress to succeed him. 

This reply so enraged the Mogor that he ^raight- 
way caused the young man to be put to death. When 
the Abyssinian was informed of this, he sent word to 
the Great Mogor that he prayed God he might never 
behold the face of a king so perfidious. Then, placing 
a chapperon about his neck, he addressed those who 
were in the fortress, reminding them that, as winter 
was at hand, the Great Mogor would be obliged to 
raise the siege and retire, so as not to risk the loss of 
all his troops* As for the fortress, he told them that 
there was no living soul who could gain possession of 
it, save God alone, or he to whom God or they them- 
selves should be willing to deliver it ; that there was 
no better or more honourable lot than that of those 
who fought for justice, and that they muft, therefore, 
defend themselves with valour. For himself, he said, 
he preferred to die rather than live to look upon the 
face of so wicked a man. So saying, he tightened the 
knot of his chapperon, and Wangled himself.*** 

To put an end to his life because he was unable to 
endure the look of his enemy, much less the torment 
he might inflift on him, was an aft of cowardice un- 
worthy of so brave a man. Though among^ the 
Pagans there are some who would e^eem this a laud- 
able aft and one indicating great courage, yet, according 
to natural reason, it is rather to be efteemed an aft of 
cowardice and worthy of our censure. For violence is 
a virtue when used to vanquish and surmount the evils 
and difficulties which ^land in the way of our duty, not 

1 06 


when it enables us to choose a small evil in order to 
avoid facing one that is greater. 

But to return to our Story, On the death of the 
Abyssinian, those in the fortress continued for some 
time longer to defend themselves, putting the Mogor 
to great difficulty, so that at lail, finding that all his 
plans for the capture of the place were of no avail, he 
decided to bombard it with artillery; and having 
brought no guns with him for the purpose, he sent for 
Father Xauier and his companion, who were in his 
camp, and told them that they mu^ write to the 
Portuguese at Chaul (a seaport of their country di^ant 
about a hundred leagues), and that he himself would 
also write, Elating that he had not the necessary artillery 
and munitions to bombard this fortress, and requesting 
them, as they were now his friends, to send him both 
as soon as possible. The Father replied [/<? Pere luj 
respondy^ that his MajeSly had commanded him a 
thing which he could not perform ; for it was not lawful 
for him to ask this of the Portuguese, or to counsel 
them to such a ftep, for to do so would be a direft 
violation of the Chri^ian law.^* This was, in my 
belief, because the Portuguese had a short time pre- 
viously made an alliance with King Miran. The bar- 
barian was so displeased at the Father's refusal that he 
grew mad with rage, and ordered him and his com- 
panion to quit his court without delay, and return to 
Goa* They left his presence with the intention of 
departing; but a gendeman of the court, with whom 
they were on friendly terms, advised them not to ftir ; 
for they might be quite sure that if they set out, the 



King would cause them to be killed before they had 
gone many leagues. He recommended them rather to 
keep out of sight until the ^orm had blown over 3 
They followed his advice, and in a short time the 
King's wrath subsided, and they were completely 
re^lored to his favour. 

At la^l the King began to bombard this fortress with 
guns more powerful than those which are made of iron, 
and with shot more effeftive than cannon-balls. In 
other words, he bombarded it with great sums of 
money, afting on the principle of Philip of Macedon, 
who guaranteed to capture with ease the ^Irongeft 
fortress provided that a mule laden with gold could 
enter it. Large quantities of gold and silver were sent 
secretly to those who condufted the defence, which 
was so weakened thereby that none of the seven kings 
who were there to maintain the succession would 
accept the throne; for seeing that the captains and 
soldiers showed so little spirit, and so little resolution 
to defend themselves, they knew that their royalty 
would be of short duration. And they were not mis- 
taken; for a few days later, the fortress, and conse- 
quently the whole kingdom, was surrendered to the 
Mogor,2* who thus became mailer of it, and of the 
inestimable treasures and wealth which it contained. 
The Mogor pardoned all except the King, who was 
already in his hands, and the seven princes who would 
have succeeded him. These he sent as prisoners to 
his own country, giving King Miran a pension of four 
thousand crowns, and two thousand to each of the 
others. When the captains of the fortress were brought 



before him, he asked them to what religion they be- 
longed ; and when they replied that they were Saracens, 
he ordered them to be cruelly treated \il comande qu'on 
les maltrai£ian\. But Father Xauier begged that they 
might be handed over to him; to which the King 
replied that, by the Portuguese law, they deserved 
death, seeing that, though the descendants of Chris- 
tians, they had turned Saracens ; but as the Father had 
asked this favour of him, he willingly granted it. 
Father Xauier ^raightway applied himself to the 
saving of their souls, and it pleased our Saviour to 
vouchsafe to him the happiness of winning all the 
seven captains to the Chri^ian faith. But this was 
not all that the Fathers accomplished through this 
expedition ; for the sons and daughters of many Por- 
tuguese came into their hands, all of whom Benoi^t de 
Goes took with him to Goa, as will presently be 
narrated. In addition to these, more than seventy 
persons received baptism, many of whom were ftraight- 
way received into the glory of heaven. Amongft these 
the happy lot of a female infant was noteworthy, A 
servant of Father Xauier having found this child lying 
like carrion on a dunghill, reported the matter to the 
Father, who thereupon had it brought to him and 
baptised it. The child survived for one day, and then 
went to join the company of the blessed in paradise. 
Thus was fulfilled to the letter that which is written, 
De ilercore erigeas pauperemy ut collocet turn cum prin- 
cipibusy &c. 


An Embassy to Goa 

About this time. Father Emmanuel Pigneiro, who had 
remained at Lahor, came to the camp, partly for the 
comfort of seeing Father Hierosme Xauier, for it was 
nearly three years since they had met, and partly to 
visit the King. The latter had been apprised of his 
departure from Lahor, and was the fir^ to inform 
Father Xauier of his coming. On his arrival, the two 
Fathers went to pay their respefts to his Maje^; and 
as it was not cu^omary to appear before him empty 
handed, they took with them as their present a picture 
of our Lady very beautifully executed on paper. The 
King was seated at a window, listening, as was his 
cuftom, to those who sought speech with him. As 
soon as he saw Father Pigneiro, he invited him to 
approach, receiving him with much kindness, and 
bidding him uncover his head, and show him the 
present he had brought. On seeing the pifture of our 
Lady, he bowed his head and raised his hands to his 
face, which, among^ these people, is a sign of great 
reverence. He then ordered the pifture to be taken 
away and placed in his lodging; for he was seated 
upon his throne, and he deemed it unseemly that the 
pifture of the Lady Mary should be below him. As 
he had ordered it to be removed so soon, the Fathers 



feared that it had not greatly pleased him, for the 
picture was on paper only, and, being drawn in ink, 
was uncoloured. Accordingly, they went on the follow- 
ing evening to his lodging, where he sat in less ^late, 
and where those who spoke to him could come nearer 
to his person. Here none but the mo^ favoured 
persons were received. The Fathers, nevertheless, 
obtained entrance, and presented to him, besides some 
smaller gifts, another pidhire, this time of our Lady of 
Lorete,^ painted on gilded calaim. Calaim is a metal 
which comes from China. Though it resembles tin, 
it is a different metal, and contains a large proportion 
of copper.® Nevertheless, it is white, and in India 
they make it into money. It can also be gilded, like 
silver. But to resume. Father Xauier addressing the 
King said that Father Pigneiro had come from Lahor 
to kiss his Maje^y's feet, and begged that he might 
be permitted to approach. " By all means let him do 
so,'* replied the King; whereon the Father advanced 
and, bending down, embraced his feet. The King 
looked kindly on him, and in token of his good will 
laid his hands upon his shoulders, a mark of favour 
which he bellowed only on his chief captains and 
favourites. On seeing the pifture of our Lady, he 
bowed low, and taking it into his hands, placed it on 
his head. Then boldly, in the presence of the assembled 
captains and lords, he did reverence to it with clasped 
hands, paying it outwardly as much honour as though 
he had been a Chriftian, except that he did not go 
down on his knees, for this is not their cuftom even 
in their mosques and places of prayer. When the 



Father said that this Lady ought to be the guardian 
of his realm, he replied that he knew well that the 
Lady Mary was worthy of great veneration, and that 
it was for this reason that he had ordered the removal 
of the pifture they had brought to him the previous 
day, for it did not seem fitting that he should be on a 
high seat, and the pidhire of our Lady below him. He 
then placed the cover on the pi6ture with his own 
hands, and gave it in charge to one of his personal 
attendants. After this, he asked various questions 
about the Pope, desiring to know, amongst other 
things, what ceremonial was observed when he was 
visited by the Emperor; and on being told that the 
Emperor kissed the Pope's foot, he exclaimed, Tes ! 
That is because the Christians regard the Pope as the 
Vicar of the Lord Jesus," The Father then explained 
that the Pope, to show that he does not regard such 
homage as due to himself, except in so far as he is our 
Lord's Vicar, wears a small cross on his foot, and that 
it is this cross that is kissed.* On hearing this, the 
King and those with him marvelled greatly. While 
they were ilill discussing the cross, and the reverence 
in which we hold it, a young noble who had been a 
disciple of Father Pigneiro, and who happened to be 
present, made the sign of the cross. The King asked 
if he had done it corre6Uy ; and the Father replied that 
he had. He then asked why it was made on the fore- 
head, the mouth, and the brea^, all of which was 
explained to him. 

So greatly did this powerful monarch desire to make 
himself mailer of Goa and the Portuguese possessions 



in India, with the regions adjacent thereto, that he 
constantly referred to the subjeft when conversing 
with his friends. On one occasion, while speaking of 
these things to the nobles assembled in his palace, he 
told them with bold assurance that, having conquered 
the kingdom of Decan, he would have little difficulty 
in overcoming Idalcan, after which he would soon have 
Goa, and all the Portuguese possessions in those parts. 
Now a certain Portuguese soldier, who on account of 
some misconduft had been obliged to quit India, 
happened to be present at this conversation, and hear- 
ing the King's remark, begged permission to speak. 
When this was granted, he said in the Persian language, 
" Your Majefty appears to be very confident of accom- 
plishing these designs ; but, as we say in my country, 
there is such a thing as reckoning without one's hoSt. 
If your Majesty's opinion of the valour of the Portu- 
guese is as high as people say, how can you expeft to 
get the better of them so easily? Even though you 
regard them as so many chicken, yet chicken will peck 
before they allow themselves to be caught." " I have 
no intention," said the King, " of engaging them 
hand to hand. I shall overcome them by hunger." 
" Excellent ! Sire," said the soldier. " You are of 
much the same mind as they are; for they intend 
to overcome your Maje^ by thirft." (This was, 
I conclude, in allusion to the dryness of the 
Mogor's territories.) The King was delighted with 
this repartee, and made much of the Portuguese 
soldier. Nevertheless, the conquest of the Portu- 
guese was at the root of all his designs. With this 

I 113 


end in view, he frequently sent his agents to Goa^ 
ostensibly as ambassadors, but whose real business 
was to keep an eye on what the Portuguese were 
doing, and to ascertain their military Strength, He 
always sent his agents at times when ships were 
said to be due from Portugal, so that they might 
take note of what came in them, whether in the way 
of merchandise, or men.^ 

It was in pursuance of this object that he despatched 
an ambassador who reached Goa at the end of the 
month of May, of the year 1601. The ambassador 
sent on this occasion was from the kingdom of Cam- 
baya, a person of great wealth and influence, a Guzarate 
by birth, and of the seft of the Saracens.® The alleged 
objeft of the mission was to establish a permanent 
peace by land and by sea with the Portuguese. The 
ambassador was also to make inquiry as to the moSt 
suitable present that his MajeSly could make to the 
King of Portugal, to whom he contemplated sending 
an ambassador in order to confirm and Strengthen 
their alliance. 

The mission was received at Goa with great mag- 
nificence. It was met and escorted through the 
town by an imposing company of Portuguese 
nobles, and the ambassador was accorded all the 
honours usually paid to the representative of a great 
monarch. But the chief feature of his reception was 
a terrific salute of artillery which was continued 
throughout the day, both from the guns in the city 
and from those in other parts of the island; for the 
Portuguese had a great Store of artillery of high 



quality. The ambassador fully appreciated the 
significance of this music. The gifts which he pre- 
sented to the Viceroy on behalf of the Prince were 
some rich carpets, a panther which had been trained 
to the chase, another smaller panther, and a very 
valuable horse. 

But far more valuable were the gifts which Benoift 
de Goes, the companion of Father Xauier (who accom- 
panied the ambassador by the King's command), 
presented to our Saviour and the Church; for he 
brought with him to Goa many half-ca^s of both 
sexes, the children of Portuguese, born among^l the 
thorny paths of Paganism and Mahometanism, who, 
upon the redu6Hon of the fortress, became the slaves 
of the Great Mogor, who handed them over to 
the said Benoift de Goes. These, after receiving 
some in^hruftion in the Chriftian faith, were all 
baptised. The Viceroy showed them much kindness, 
and signified his desire to ^and godfather to them, 
Amongft them was a Portuguese Jew who was 
ninety years of age. For more than forty years he 
had publicly professed Judaism; but God at la^ 
shed the light of heaven upon him, and he was con- 
verted to Chri^ianity, and baptised. The letter 
which the ambassador carried to the Viceroy, setting 
forth the objeft of his mission, was to the following 
eifeft ;— 

* The message of the great Lord of the law of Mahomet, 
high and mighty King, slayer of hostile Kings, to whom the 
Great pay homage, whose dignity is unsurpassed, who is 
exalted above other kings, and whose government is re- 



nowned throughout the world, to Ayres de Saldagna 
Viceroy: — 

' Meeting with favour and grace at the hands of the King 
of Kings, honoured and privileged by him, know that, by the 
grace of God, all the ports of Indoftan, from Cinde to 
Chatigan and Pegu, are under our high prosperity; and it 
is always in our royal heart, and before our eyes, that the 
rich merchants and those who traffic may be able to go and 
come with all assurance and safety, so that they may con- 
tinually pray to God for the increase of our prosperity, and 
especially the inhabitants of the kingdoms of the Portuguese, 
who, outside this kingdom, cannot go and come freely, and 
who are accustomed to navigate the sea of IndoSlan, [For 
this reason our royal honour has willed and arranged that 
one of our servants and courtiers has been sent as ambassador 
to confirm once again the basis of the alliance, so that there 
may henceforth be no occasion to doubt it. On this occasion 
the Father BenoiSt de Goes has been sent together with our 
truited servant Cogetqui Soldan Hama to your parts, where, 
after informing themselves with all diligence of things as they 
pass, they may accurately advise us, so that conformably to 
the flatus of each one, our good fortune may make provision 
for the going and the sending.]' And if there are any skilled 
craftsmen who desire to visit our royal court, which is like 
the mansions of the blefl, he shall give them all that they 
need in food and apparel, and bring them with him to this 
our court, the fulcrum of the world, on the understanding 
that, having been in our service, they shall have leave to 
return to their country whenever it shall be their will to do 
so. It is fitting that they should be given good expeftations, 
so that they may desire, of their own accord, to kiss the 
buttress of our throne. And as to whatsoever our ambassador 
may wish to purchase in the way of precious Stones, fabrics, 
and other things of a like valuable nature, our desire is that 
he may be given all assiflance therein, so that he may do his 



business and return speedily, since he is in our royal service. 
As to other matters, he will make them known to you by 
word of mouth. The 9th day of Fauardi of God,^ of the 
forty-sixth year of the era.' 

Such was the ^yle in which this Prince wrote. They 
regard the period of his reign as an era, and the month 
of Fauardi [Faridun] is the £xSt of the year, which they 
commence on the day of the Spring equinox, and which 
in this year was the 20th of March.® Let us now see 
what was taking place at Lahor at this time. 


Father Pigneiro at Lahore, i6oo~i 

Whilst Father Hierosme Xauier and Benoift de Goes 
accompanied the Great Mogor on this expedition, 
Father Emmanuel Pigneiro remained at Lahore to 
look after the few Christians who were there, and to 
endeavour to lead others to our Saviour. Both 
Mahometans and Gentiles used to seek speech with 
him, going frequently to his house to question him on 
divers subjefts. Many came away with a lower opinion 
than before of their own sefts ; while many were left 
doubtful and wavering. But there were others who 
laughed at the idea that there could be a better law 
than the law of Mahomet; and when ^ong reasons 
were put before them, they said that their minds could 
not grasp such matters, and that it was enough for 
them to believe what Mahomet had told them. That 
which, more than all, they cotild neither underhand 
nor believe was that God could have a son. For so 
carnal-minded are they that the purity of this mySlery 
is beyond their conception. To convince them, the 
Father bade them say if God could see and hear ; and 
on their answering in the affirmative, he continued, 
" If God has neither eyes nor ears, how is it possible 
for him to see and hear ? " They answered that it was 
by some means which none could underhand, " And 



likewise," said the Father, defeating them with their 
own weapons, " in some wonderful manner which 
none can understand, God had a son." 

The Gentiles were more easily persuaded; for, in 
the end, they were ready to admit that there was only 
one God, and that those which were sold to them as 
such, were not Gods, Whatever aversion they had to 
the Fathers, was due to the Brachmanes, who instilled 
into them the belief that the Chriftians were a bar- 
barous and ignorant people, who ate rats, cats, and 
such like animals, and praftised other absurdities. 
Notwithftanding, the Fathers lived in their mid^ at 
this time with as much assurance, and spoke as freely 
againft the sedl of Mahomet, as though they had been 
among^ Chri^ians, 

The Viceroy and Governors, or magistrates of the 
city, treated them with much respeft, especially the 
Viceroy, who spoke of them in terms so high that 
mode^ forbids their repetition. He often offered 
Father Pigneiro money for his daily expenses, and the 
Father used to thank him and say, that if at any time 
his need should be urgent, he would have recourse to 
him as to a father. Nevertheless, not to seem uncivil, 
and to avoid giving offence, he accepted from him 
gifts of melons, grapes, and other fhiits. The Viceroy 
used frequently to visit him, and attend the Christian 
festivals, by which he drew upon himself the wrath of 
the Saracens. The Governors of the town likewise 
held the Fathers in high e^eem, granting them con- 
cessions which they might have found difficulty in 
obtaining even from Chriftians, such as the pardon of 



two persons who had cominitted manslaughter, and 
other considerable favours. Once, when a violent 
quarrel arose between the chief judge [luge-mage^ and 
the King's treastirer, and a conflict between their 
armed partisans was imminent, the Father succeeded 
in bringing about a reconciliation, thus preventing 
much bloodshed and loss of life. In making a report 
of this affair to the Viceroy, one of the parties said, in 
support of his ^tory, that the Father knew how it all 
took place; upon which the Viceroy said, If the 
Father knows, that is sufficient for me; for I place 
more reliance on him than on a thousand witnesses/' 
Not very long afterwards, this good Viceroy died, 
whereat the Fathers were greatly grieved, and the 
more so because, in return for his many kind aftions, 
they had been unable to help him in that which con- 
cerned him mo5l, namely, the salvation of his soul, by 
leading him to our Saviour. He left behind him 
thirteen hundred thousand crowns in gold coin, and 
a large ftore of gold and silver ware, precious gems, 
and other valuable things, besides many horses and 
elephants ; for the splendour of his retinue surpassed 
that of the greatest lords of Spain. So wrote the Father 
Pigneiro. But when he quitted the world, hell was all 
his heritage, and his riches passed to the King, who, 
according to the usage of Indo^an, succeeds to all the 
property of his vassals. He was succeeded in his office 
by his brother, whose children had been pupils of 
Father Pigneiro. The new Viceroy told the Father, 
when he went to visit him, that he would continue to- 
wards them the favours which his brother had shown 



them ; and that his appointment need cause them no 
apprehensions.^ This he soon made apparent. For 
the enemies of the Fathers, thinking that, as the former 
Viceroy was dead, they could now attack them with 
impunity and do them any ill they chose, were con- 
stantly watching for an opportunity to satisfy their 
malice. Accordingly, on a certain day, one of their 
number, seeing a great crowd collected outside the 
church, went to the Catual (one of the Governors of 
the town, who has charge of the guard), and urged 
him to destroy the building, and drive the Fathers 
away. The Catual replied that he could not do this, 
in as much as it was the will of the King that the 
Fathers should ^ay there, and that their church should 
remain landing. " If," he added, " you want the 
Fathers driven away because you see yourself held in 
less repute than they, Father Pigneiro is Still there; 
why do you not go and vanquish him in dispute ? 
To this the other rejoined that the Father would not 
dare to come forth and dispute with him. " But it is 
you," said the Catual, " who do not dare to open your 
mouth before him. For the King, and every one else, 
knows that the Father's knowledge is very great, and 
that yours is very small." When the Viceroy heard of 
this man's designs, he had him placed in a dungeon, 
and it was only at the requeft of Father Pigneiro that 
he was released. 



The Confidence Trick 

Although the Viceroys and Governors of the town 
displayed both respeft and regard for the Fathers, 
there were certain Gentiles living near them who con- 
stantly sought to do them some ill turn. Once, because 
some of their relatives had been won over to the faith, 
they circulated a number of malicious and slanderous 
reports about them, in which they accused them, 
amongst other outrageous charges, of eating human 
flesh- Speaking generally, however, the Gentiles, and 
indeed moft of the Infidels, treated the Fathers with 
much respeft, sometimes even with afFeftion ; for the 
latter often interceded for them with the King and the 
Governors of the town, recommending their petitions 
for consideration, or allowing those guilty of mis- 
demeanour to take refuge in their church, where the 
officers of justice dared not enter to search for them ; 
for by the King's decree the building had been declared 
a sanftuary. 

But the lives of the Fathers were not free from 
adversity. Here, for example, is an account of a piece 
of roguery of which Father Pigneiro was the viftim. 
To make the ftory clear, it muSt be premised that it 
was the custom of the Fathers to distribute daily, at 
the door of their house, relief to more than a hundred 



poor people, without counting those whose cases were 
exceptional. Now, amongft the latter, there appeared 
one day a young man about twenty years of age, who 
was a native of Fuximir [Kashmir?], though his 
features resembled those of a Portuguese, and who 
appeared to be well-to-do. He said that he was of 
noble birth, but that he was forced to fly from place 
to place to escape from certain persons to whom he 
had given offence ; and with tears in his eyes he begged 
the Father to shelter him. Thinking that he might be 
able to convert this young man to Chri^ianity, Father 
Pigneiro acceded to his reque^, and allowed him to 
take refuge in his house. Two or three days later he 
brought in another young man, whom he described as 
his brother, but who was in reality a confederate, who 
had been in^rufted in the part he was to play in this 
evil enterprise, which was to murder the Father and 
those who were with him, and, unless God prevented 
them, to carry off everything of value in the house. 
A favourable opportunity arrived; for the guard of 
the house, which had not yet been properly enclosed 
or secured, absented himself, leaving the coaft clear 
for the two thieves. One of these rascals then went 
into the kitchen, and threw into the cooking-pot, and 
into the drinking water, a certain seed called doturo^ 
a poison which, though not deadly in its effefts, is 
sufficiently powerful to render those who take it in- 
sensible. At the cuftomary hour, the Father com- 
menced his supper; but after taking one or two 
mouthfuls, he noticed something "unusual in the food, 
and suspedting what it was, retired to his chamber and 



lay down, which is a sovereign remedy again^ this 
kind of poisoning. The servants ate the remainder of 
the food, and were soon so dazed that they knew not 
where they were. The Father forced himself to vomit, 
which is also beneficial in such cases; but having 
drunk some of the poisoned water, he suddenly fell to 
the ground senseless. In short, all happened juft as 
these rascally thieves desired ; for the Father was com- 
pletely overcome, and knew nothing ; and the servants 
were in a similar condition. One of the watchers, the 
moil faithful of all the servants, was given the doturo 
in a melon, while the other ^ayed away the whole of 
that evening. 

There were twenty armed men in the street ready 
to defend the two in the house. The latter went 
upftairs, and finding the Father lying unconscious, 
carried him into one of the rooms and locked him in. 
They then went to another room in which, because it 
was locked, and the key in the Father's keeping, they 
expefted to find the valuables they were in search of. 

The noise they made in breaking open the door of 
this room aroused the Father, who tried to cry out, 
but could not ; and in any case there was none to hear 
him, for all in the house were in the same plight as 
himself. He then went to the window, which he threw 
down into the ftreet,® in the hope of bringing the 
neighbours to his assiftance. After that, he again tried 
to cry out ; but the poison had ajSfefted his throat, and 
as sometimes happens to persons who are oppressed in 
the night, he was unable to utter a sound. At lait, 
the thieves made oflF, taking with them whatever they 



could lay their hands upon. Though the articles 
ftolen were not of great value, they were worth much 
to the Fathers ; for among^l other things they carried 
oflF a small cabinet containing some relics and some 
beautiful images, as well as a model of the sepulchre 
of our Saviour, which Father Hierosme Rodrigues had 
brought from Hierusalem* 

In the mean time, it was reported, and the rimiour 
soon spread through the town, that the Father was 
dead; and the neighbours flocked to the door of the 
house to mourn for him. He had, however, by this 
time, recovered, and showing himself at the window 
inquired why they wept. His appearance filled them 
with amazement, and they rejoiced greatly to behold 
alive him whom they were lamenting as dead. Leaving 
the chamber in which he had been confined, the Father 
proceeded to the one which he usually occupied. This 
the thieves had ransacked, and the extent of their 
depredations was evident. But, by the grace of God, 
there yet remained wherewith to repair the loss; for 
the Father found under his bed the small che^ in 
which his limited funds were kept. The Catual, of 
whom we have spoken above, was greatly concerned 
on hearing what had taken place. He at once sent his 
son to inquire into the afifair, and soon afterwards came 
to the house himself. The Viceroy, who was ill at the 
time, sent a message expressing his indignation at the 
outrage, and assuring the Father, that if the property 
ftolen from him was not recovered, he would make 
good the loss himself. Shortly afterwards, when Father 
Pigneiro made his appearance in the town, the people 



plainly showed that they were pleased to see him alive 
and well. Some said, ** It is the holy Father; but he 
is now penniless ; for the thieves took from him all that 
he had/' Others said, " This is the Father who was 
robbed of seventy thousand crowns; but who holds 
more account of one small book than of all the money 
in the world." Thus the affair terminated. Let us 
now pass on to other matters. 



Some Notable Conversions 


As the outward forms and symbols of Chri^ianity, 
and, in a special degree, the holy ceremonies of the 
Church, exercised a powerful influence on the Infidels, 
leading many of them to abandon their worthless sefts, 
and embrace our faith, those who laboured for their 
conversion made use of these as a means of drawing 
souls to our Saviour ; and, to this end, they celebrated 
the principal feadls of the Church, in which we com- 
memorate the mo^ solemn mysteries of our faith, with 
great pomp, particularly those of Noel and the Pass- 

At the fe^ival of Noel of the year 1 600, the Father 
Pigneiro fashioned on the altar of the church a manger 
in which lay the image of the infant Jesus-Chri^l, 
together with other scenes illustrating the Tories and 
my^eries of holy scripture. He also made figures of 
some of the better known of the prophets, of whom 
these people had heard, inscribing beside them in 
Persian their prophecies of the birth of our Saviour* 
The adoration of Jesus-ChriSt, God and Man, by the 
three wise Kings was also represented. It greatly 
aftonished the Saracens to learn that the holy writings 
of the Old Testament spoke so clearly of the birth of 
the Son of God into this world. 



On the fir^ day of the oftave, the Viceroy,^ accom- 
panied by all the nobles of Lahor, came to see these 
things, and likened to everything he was told con- 
cerning them. But that which pleased him moA was 
a pastorale which was fortunately being afted on that 
day, dealing with the evils and affliftions which had 
befallen mankind through the sin of our fir^ parent 
Adam, who was represented on the Sage bemoaning 
his miseries, while the aged Simeon sought to console 
him with the certain hope of the coming of the Messiah, 
who will heal all our infirmities. Next appeared a 
philosopher, reviling his senses for making him adore 
things created in^lead of his creator, though this was 
contrary to his philosophy, to whom came Adam, 
telling him of original sin, from which had proceeded 
ignorance and all the other defefts of human nature, 
which was perfeft when man was &rSt created. They 
then entered into a dispute about the divine essence, 
and the trinity of the Persons, in which Adam, by 
many arguments, demonstrated that God, though per- 
feft in purity, nevertheless had a son, to which in the 
end the philosopher assented. In the next scene a 
discussion took place between Mercy and Divine 
Justice touching the sin of Adam; and in the next, 
an angel appeared, and announced to some Brach- 
manes the birth in the world of the Son of God. This 
filled the Brachmanes with dismay; but a shepherd, 
who said that he had come from Bethlehem, allayed 
their fears, telling them that the little child who was 
bom, though he was indeed God, was not come, like 
their own false gods, to destroy men, but to save them 



and give them eternal life. Such was the theme of 
this drama, which was very well received by the in- 
fidels, and from that day forward they regarded oixr 
faith in a new light. So great was the number of 
people, both from the town and from a diftance, who 
came to witness the fe^ival, that for the forty days 
during which it la^ed, the church was always fulL 
Among^l the number were several Rayas (who are the 
princes and great lords of the country) who likened 
very gladly to all that was told them of the mysteries 
of our faith* It was a great consolation to the Chris- 
tians, and especially to the Father, to see these infidels 
prostrate themselves before the altar as devoutly as 
though they had been the heSt Chriftians in the world. 
But their prayers were, after all, for children and riches ; 
and it was with the same end in view that they made 
offerings to the representation of our Saviour on the 

The Catual, though a narrow-minded Mahometan, 
came to the feftival accompanied by many people* A 
small Brachmane lad explained to him all that he 
wished to know; and when the Catual asked him 
whose son he was, he replied that he was the son of a 
Brachmane, and that he was preparing to become 
a Christian. " For what reason do you wish to become 
a Chriftian ? asked the Catxial. " Because," said the 
lad, " it is only in the law of the Chriftians that salva- 
tion is to be found ; for by the law of the Saracens, or 
that of the Gentiles, none can be saved." The numbers 
who came to the services during Holy Week and 
Eafter were equally large. The Viceroy again attended^ 
K 129 


to the great vexation of the Saracens, who urged him 
not to countenance these Chri^ian fea^s ; but their 
opposition was of no avail. 

As to the primary purpose of the Fathers, which was 
the conversion of the infidels, things go on from day 
to day in such a manner that they are imable to tell 
what may be God*s purpose in regard to this country* 
For when, on the one hand, they contemplate so vaft 
a wilderness of Mahometanism and Paganism, they 
despair of ever attaining their goal, and feel that the 
time and labour spent in preparing a soil so barren 
might be employed to more profit elsewhere. On the 
other hand, when from time to time blossoms appear, 
and souls are won for our Saviour, they are filled with 
renewed courage, and a renewed hope that this land, 
which is now so unfruitful, may one day yield an 
abundant harve^. 

In the course of this year, the Fathers baptised on 
one occasion thirty-nine persons, on another twenty, 
and on a third occasion, forty-seven. The lail of these 
services was conduced with great solemnity on the 
oftave of the Assumption of our Lady, and was largely 
attended both by Chri^ians and infidels. Among^ 
those who were baptised on one of the former occasions 
were the two infant sons of a certain infidel who him- 
self brought them to the church to be cleansed in the 
water of holy baptism. It seemed as though our Lord 
had chosen them that He might make hafte to beftow 
upon them the crown of glory; for a few days later 
He called them to Himself. Their father and mother 
remained Mahometans. A case which followed equally 



deserves notice. A woman of noble family, who had 
for some years associated with Chriftians, though 
ob^inately adhering to her superstitious beliefs, find- 
ing herself approaching the gates of death, summoned 
to her side Father Pigneiro, and said that she desired 
to die in the faith of the Lord Jesus, that she might 
be saved. The Father, having given her such inftruc- 
tion as the shortness of the time permitted, for she was 
grievously sick, baptised her, and within a short while 
her soul went to enjoy eternal felicity. 

Another woman while contemplating the manger 
felt God's touch so Wrongly that she did not dare to 
return to her village until she had become a ChriSian. 
As she did not know what ^eps to take for this pur- 
pose, she inquired of a Pagan woman who lived near 
the Fathers, and, by her advice, she enrolled herself, 
together with one of her servants, amongft the cate- 
chumens. In another case, a woman who had been 
frequently to the church, was so impressed by the 
modeil behaviour of the children who were being 
taught there, that she was prompted to become a 
Chriftian; and both she and her husband, together 
with their children and daughter-in-law, were baptised. 
Learning what she had done, her relations, of whom 
she had many, rushed into her house and beat her 
without mercy ; but this brave woman answered every 
blow with the same words : " You are welcome to kill 
me, since God, in His mercy, has taken me for His 

A young man of the race of the Xaques [Shaikhs]' 
(who in this country are regarded as holy men) who 



had formerly been an inveterate enemy of the Chris- 
tians, and had bitterly persecuted his own brother for 
receiving baptism, was converted to the faith in the 
following circumstances. He had gone, out of de- 
votion, or rather super^ition, bare-footed to Meque, 
there to improve his knowledge of the law of Mahomet, 
and in this Study had spent twelve years. On returning 
to his country, a graduate as it were in this same law, 
he sought out and entered into dispute with Father 
Pigneiro. In the end, he was obliged to acknowledge 
defeat, and at the same time God so touched his heart 
that he resolved to reje£l the law of Mahomet, and to 
embrace that of Jesus-Chri^. When he had taken this 
resolution, he told the Father that never whilst at 
Meque had he enjoyed happiness or peace of mind, 
but that now he had found both peace and consolation, 
while God had manifefted to him many things that for 
years he had been longing to understand. After he 
had been catechised and baptised, Father Pigneiro sent 
him to Father Xauier, that he might be of service to 
him in the conversion of others. 

A woman of Chacata [Chaghatai], who was of royal 
blood, following the example of her mother who had 
already become a Christian, was converted to the faith, 
in spite of the Strong opposition of her relations. A 
gentleman who had heard the Christian religion much 
spoken of, decided to embrace it, which he did, together 
with his wife and five children. A Brachmane, on seeing 
the holy manger of which we have spoken, made up his 
mind to abandon his Pagodes, and Straightway brought 
to the Father the beSt of those which he had. It was 



made of black ftone, and was very finely carved. Many 
Gentiles were in the habit of attending the sermons 
which were preached in the church, and from these 
they appeared to derive much satisfaction. 

The catechumens serve a long probation before they 
are baptised ; for it is well to proceed thus in a country 
where, as we shall see in the next chapter, there is so 
much opposition ; yet there are not a few, even among 
young children, who firmly adhere to the faith they 
have chosen. One lad, for example, during a certain 
feaft of the Gentiles at which (following the custom of 
the Persians) they worship the sun, fled to the house 
of the Fathers, because his mother insisted on his 
observance of this superftitious rite. On this account 
he had suffered much; but he avenged himself on 
those who pursued him by saying a thousand evil 
things of their Pagodes. Another lad came and asked 
the Fathers if it was a sin to worship idols, and, on 
being told that it was, said, " Then I promise you that 
I will never again worship them, even though my 
father kills me for it.'* Father Pigneiro asked him 
why he did not bring to him his father's Pagode.* 
" That," said the youth, " would be an easy thing to 
do; but it would only make matters worse; because 
my father would say that his Pagode had gone to 
heaven, as another Gentile said, who had lo^l his/* 
His father was, in fait, so superstitious that one even- 
ing, on returning to his house and finding his Pagode 
warm, he said that it muft be angry. But his son 
laughed, and said, " It is not to be wondered at that 
it is warm, since it has been all day in the sun. I should 



be warm too, under similar circumSances." The 
father was much disconcerted by this remark, and 
blushed for shame to find himself being taught by one 
whom it was his duty to teach. Another case was that 
of a young Brachmane who, because he had become 
a Chri^ian, suffered much ill-usage at his father's 
hands, for which, however, he cared nothing. One 
day, his father being away, his mother told him to 
give food to the Pagode, for, being a woman, she 
could not do this herself. " Mother," said the youth, 
" do you eat that which you wish given to the Eagode ; 
for ^ones do not eat," Not long afterwards, when the 
father was on his way to a certain village, a whirlwind 
arose which raised so much dnSt that he lo^ his way. 
As he was wandering over the hills not knowing 
whither he was going, a person of venerable and 
majeftic aspeft appeared before him, and inquired who 
he was, and, on learning that he was a Brachmane, 
said, ** For the time being you are pardoned, because 
you allow your son to go to the church." All this the 
Brachmane told to his neighbours, who thenceforward 
were much more ready to let their children attend the 
church, and commenced to show a greater respeft for 
the Christian religion. 

It was through one of these children that Father 
Pigneiro became acquainted with a personage of 
authority, and the head of the town in which he lived, 
to whom he paid a visit at a time when there was great 
need of rain. Now it chanced that rain fell heavily 
during the time that the Father was there ; and as these 
people are very superstitious, both the chief himself 



and all the inhabitants of the town made much of the 
Father, and displayed so great a regard for the law 
that he preached that they openly declared it to be the 
true law, and told him that he was welcome to take 
possession of their mosque and turn it into a church. 

The same Father persuaded several Armenians to 
join the catholic church. Some of these abandoned 
their Mahometan and Gentile concubines, while others 
married in the church those whom they had before 
misused. The Armenians of this country, as a whole, 
are less ready than formerly to scorn and insult the 
Church; for it is known that the Fathers enjoy the 
favour and support of the Viceroy, and that the officers 
of juftice have orders to banish from the town any 
whom they name to them. The behaviour of the 
Armenians was also influenced by the fa£t that their 
Archbishop, on whose advent they had been counting, 
died on his way to India. Having reached Ormuz, he 
had been prevented from continuing his journey by 
sea and set out for Labor by way of Persia. He 
perished on the road, unsuccoured by God or man. 
His books and all else he possessed were ^olen. The 
former fell eventually into the hands of Father Pigneiro, 
which greatly annoyed the Armenians, who had de- 
sired to present them to the King. They thought that 
this prelate was coming to India to be Archbishop of 
Serre,^ that is of the Christians of St, Thomas in 
Malabar; but that office was filled in a different 
manner, as will appear later. 

For the re^t, the Gentiles continue to pursue their 
foolish superstitions. On the loth of July in the year 



160O5 there was an eclipse of the sun at noon. This 
was a great source of profit to the Brachmanes on 
account of the offerings they extrafted from poor and 
ignorant people, persuading them that the sun and 
moon were fighting again^ each other, and that there 
would not be peace between these luminaries until vaft 
offerings had been made to them. The people also 
went to bathe in the river, thinking thereby to cleanse 
themselves of their sins ; for these they said were the 
cause of the discord between the heavenly torches 
which, as soon as they came out from the water, would 
cease their ^ife and shine as before,^ 



A Brave Champion 

The Gentiles, and especially the Brachmanes, who are, 
more than all others given to idolatry, exhibited the 
greater resentment when any of their children became 
Chri^ians ; and their hostility on this account was the 
mo^ formidable ob^acle which the Fathers encoim- 
tered in their efforts to extend the boundaries of the 
kingdom of Jesus-Chri^l in the territories of the Mogor. 
Whenever a young man showed a disposition to 
abandon the seft of perdition to which he belonged, 
and to embrace our faith, he was subjected to con- 
tinuous persecution by his parents and other relations. 
It would be possible to describe many such cases; 
but, that my ^ory may not be too long, I shall confine 
myself to one noteworthy example. 

A young married man called Polada^ (from the 
name of one of the false gods of the Gentiles), a Brach- 
mane by birth, and a Pandito by profession, that is to 
say a doftor, and the son of one of the leading citizens 
of Lahor, became a catechumen, and not only pro- 
claimed the same on all sides, but openly held up to 
ridicule the faith of the Gentiles. His father and 
mother, taking this as a great aftont, determined with 
the assistance of their relatives and friends, to prevent 
him from carrying out his good intention. The young 



man courageously resided their evil efforts until, find- 
ing that his mother continued night and day to torment 
him in order to turn him from his purpose, he resolved 
to abandon father, mother, wife, brothers, and friends, 
in short, all that he had in the world, and to come to 
the Church and serve our Saviour who called him. 
He lo^ no time in carrying out his resolution, while 
his wife declared her intention of becoming a Chriftian 
with her husband. His father and mother thereupon 
seized their daughter-in-law, and carried her away to 
the mountains, where they kept her in a cave, trying 
to make her swear that she would never embrace 
Chriftianity, and that if her husband did so, she 
would refuse to see him again, and would burn 
herself alive, by doing which, they told her, she would 
be held a saint by all the world. For the Gentiles 
have this senseless idea that the wife who burns her- 
self for love of her husband goes ^raight to Paradise ; 
and not only she, but all her relations to the fourth 

But their daughter-in-law had no desire either to 
become a saint herself, or to sandtify her relatives, by 
any such method; and to all their importunities she 
replied with firm resolution, that she was a Chriftian, 
and had no wish to go to hell. They then took her 
to, and kept her in a certain village, where she con- 
tinued to answer them in the same way ; and her rela- 
tives mourned her as one dead. By keeping her in 
seclusion they thought to get her husband into their 
power, believing that he would come in search of her, 
and thus give them an opportunity of seizing him; 



but she contrived to escape from their hands, and took 
refuge with her husband in the church, declaring that 
she wished to live and die in its service. The mother 
of the young man, seeing that forcible methods had 
failed, had recourse to cunning. She went several 
times to the church to see her son, and told him that 
she was well content that he should be baptised, pro- 
vided that this did not take place publicly on the night 
of Noel, as he had intended. She also said that she 
and her husband, and her other children, likewise 
desired to become Chriftians; and Father Pigneiro, 
believing her words, allowed her to take her son to 
her house. But this wicked mother, imable to reason 
him out of his determination, tried by means of some 
magic powders, which she mixed with his food and 
his drink, to make him lose his desire to become a 
Chri^ian. Her enchantments were, however, of no 
avail. For a time, indeed, the catechumen's mind was 
deranged: he could not bear his mother out of his 
sight, and was imable to remember anything, or to 
do anything but cry out continuously, " Mother ! 
Mother ! But, in a short time, our Saviour de- 
livered him from the power of the spell, and restored 
him to his senses. After that, he no longer trusted 
his mother, and would take nothing to eat or drink 
from her hands. Nevertheless, she did not relinquish 
her evil efforts. Five times she tried to poison him; 
but God saved him, even when he had the poison in 
his mouth. 

Father Pigneiro knowing the danger to which he 
was exposed, withdrew him to his house. To this his 



parents at fir^ pretended to consent ; but, aware of his 
conSancy, for lie remained as firm as a rock, they 
assembled all their relations, and went with them to 
the door of the Father's house, where they made a 
great clamour, crying out that the Father had kid- 
napped their son in order to force him again^ his will 
to become a Chri^ian. Hearing this, Father Pigneiro 
bade the catechumen go forth, and tell them himself 
why he was there. As soon as he was outside the door, 
they fell upon him like so many tigers, with the inten- 
tion of seizing him and carrying him out of the town. 
With great vigour and courage, the young man de- 
fended himself against his assailants, amongst whom 
was his mother who had seized him by his legs. He 
succeeded, however, in freeing himself from her grasp, 
and also from the hands of his father and his relations. 
In short, he went beyond the counsel which S. Hierosme 
gave to Heliodore, when he said, fer calatum perge 
-patrem^ per calatam perge matrem^ ad vexillum crucis 
euola ; for he had seized a sword and had already raised 
it above the head of his father, who had a firmer hold 
on him than the others, when, at the same moment, 
Father Pigneiro arrived on the scene, and took the 
weapon from his hands, though he was very un- 
willing to give it up. This was by the providence 
of Gody as he would assuredly have inflidled some 
grievous hurt on his father, if the sword had not 
been taken from him; for he was as yet new to 
the teaching of our Saviour, and thought himself 
at liberty to kill any one who attempted to shut him 
out from salvation ; and in the heat of his anger he 



cried out, " Leave me alone ! Let me kill these 
idolaters who worship wood and ^lone, and who wish 
to keep me from being saved, and to take me to hell 
with them ! 

The mother, seeing that they had not accomplished 
what they had designed, which was that the cate- 
chumen should be captured, or, at any rate, that one 
of their number should be wounded, so that they 
might have a complaint to lay before the Juilice, 
picked up her little grandson, a child of one and a 
half years, and, as though it had been a piece of wood, 
flung it with all her force upon the ^teps of the 
doorway, intending either to kill it, or cause it 
serious injury. Believing the child to be dead, the 
Gentiles renewed their uproar, crying out that the 
Father had killed it. But when the Father lifted 
the little creature up, it seemed to be asleep, and 
was without injury, or sign of any. This brought 
the di^hxrbance to an end, and the Gentiles withdrew, 
confused and humiliated, 

A few days later they returned, accompanied by 
some of the leading members of their community. 
The young man, however, soon dispelled any doubts 
they may have entertained regarding him. He told 
them that, as long as he had life, he would never 
abandon the law of Jesus-Chri^l ; and in proof of his 
determination, he severed in their presence the thread 
which he wore roxmd his neck (among^ these people 
no aft signifies so completely as this the renimciation 
of their seft), and having broken it into four pieces, 
he threw them on to his mother's head. That done, 



he took some scissors, and, with his own hand, cut off 
his sendi^^ which is the long lock of hair they let grow 
on the top of the head, as a mark of Gentilism. This 
filled the Pagans with con^ernation ; for they had 
never seen any one do such a thing before. Some of 
them were so shocked and bewildered that they haftily 
departed* Others, and these were the persons of 
quality whose support had been solicited, begged 
pardon of the Fathers, saying that they had come 
there out of kindness to the father of this young 
man, whom, they had been given to understand, had 
been subjefted to coercion; but having themselves 
witnessed his resolution, they had nothing more to say 
in the matter. 

The relatives of the catechumen next induced certain 
Pagans of position, who were the assistants of the 
Nauabo, or luge-Mage^^ to whom, and also to the 
Viceroy, they afted as counsellors, to bring a number 
of defamatory charges againSl Father Pigneiro. In 
these he was accused of the moSl heinous crimes, the 
leaSl of which were that he ate himxan flesh, that he 
Stole children and sent them to Goa to be sold, that 
he was an accomplished sorcerer and magician, that 
he had killed a young man and cut off his head, which 
he used, together with the teeth of a bird unknown in 
that country, in making drugs and potions, and that 
with the latter he caSl spells upon people, so that he 
could do with them whatsoever he willed. The said 
Pagans, adhiated more by their zeal for their sedt, 
which they deemed would be disgraced if the cate- 
chumen quitted it in this fashion, than by any belief 



they had in the truth of these charges, carried the 
indiftment to the Nauabo, and read it through to him 
from beginning to end, causing great a^onishment. 
By a fortunate chance, Father Pigneiro, ignorant of 
the plot again^ him, went, at the same time, to see the 
Nauabo, whom he was in the habit of visiting. The 
Nauabo said nothing about the charges; nor did he 
show any sign of having seen them, but spoke of other 
things. On his way back to his house, the Father met 
the Catual, who told him what was going on, and that 
the Nauabo was anxious to see the young catechumen. 
The Father at once sent him, together with his wife 
(both of whom had now been baptised) to the Nauabo's 
house, where he found his father and mother awaiting 
an opportunity to seize him. 

The Nauabo allowed no one to be present at the 
inveftigation except the Catual and certain intimate 
friends of his own* He fir^ asked the young man if 
these were his father and mother. " Formerly,*' re- 
plied the young man, " when I was an idolater, I 
acknowledged them as such; but now that I am a 
Christian, whilst they are Pagans, I no longer regard 
them in this light." His father and mother thereupon 
cried out, that the Father was a wicked man, and had 
taken their son from them by force. But the Nauabo 
bade them hold their tongues, and not only upbraided 
them, calling them slanderers and liars, but gave them 
blows with his fi^s, saying that he was well acquainted 
with the Fathers, and knew them to be good people, 
and not such as they described them. After that, he 
continued his queftions> asking the young man if he 



was a Chriaian. " Yes," he replied, " through the 
mercy of God." " Are you willing to abandon this 
law? " was the next queftion. I would more wil- 
lingly," he said, " give up my life than the law of the 
Lord Jesus, into which, through His grace, I have 
already been received." His wife, on the same queSion 
being put to her, replied with equal firmness, and far 
greater courage than one would expeft to find in one 
of the weaker sex. The Nauabo said ^'Thama Theo- 
goda^''^ * May the benediftion of God be on this 
woman * ; then turning to the father and mother of 
the husband, he said, "What more do you want? 
This young man is no longer an infant ; but has reached 
years of discretion. He and his wife have chosen to 
follow the law of the Chri^ians. This is a good law ; 
and they regard it as such, and do not wish to follow 
your law. Go home, and leave them in peace." After 
that he privately in^lrufted the Catual to guard the 
young man, and see that no harm was done to him. 
The Catual accordingly took him to his own house, 
where he kept him for two or three days, treating him 
as though he belonged to him, and permitting none 
but Chri^ians to speak with him. 

About this time, the Father went to visit the 
Nauabo, whom he found in conversation with his 
assistants, or advisers. The latter, bemg of the same 
sedl as the parents of the catechumen, gave vent to 
their indignation against the Father, and spoke to him 
in very violent language. But he had no need to defend 
himself; for this the Nauabo did very eflFedtively, 
praising the law of the Christians as ardently as though 



he himself followed it. The Gentiles, he said, pos- 
sessed neither law, nor scriptures, nor prophets ; they 
were Bidins^ that is, people who had no law; while 
the Christians possessed the law of the Lord Jesus, 
which was good and holy, and had likewise their 
scriptures and their prophets ; and the young man, he 
added, had done well to forsake idols of wood and 
^one for so holy a faith. When the Gentiles said that 
the Neophyte was a minor, the other rejoined, " Why 
do you say that ? I have seen him, and his wife also. 
They are quite old enough to take this Slep ; and they 
are both so con^ant to the faith they have embraced 
that they told me they would rather sacrifice their lives 
than be deprived of it.'* 

The Nauabo was so favourably inclined towards the 
Christian faith that he defended it not only again^l the 
Gentiles, but againft the Saracens, though outwardly 
he appeared to be a Mahometan, The Fathers were 
on one occasion at a gathering at which the Nauabo 
and many of the King*s captains were present, as well 
as a certain Mulla, or doftor of the law of Mahomet, 
who had done little to further their intere^s with the 
King; and on a discussion taking place as to the truth 
or otherwise of the Christian law, the Nauabo so 
^ongly supported the arguments of the Fathers, the 
soundness of which he said that there was no gain- 
saying, that at la^ the Mulla, in great anger, said, " If 
your Lordship takes the side of the Fathers and defends 
the Christian law, who will dare to disagree, or to de- 
fend the law of the Lord, that is, of Mahomet, whom 
they call absolute Lord ? This made no impression 

L 145 


on the Nauabo; for he held little account of the law 
of Mahonaet, neither fasting during the Ramadan^ nor 
troubling himself about its other superstitions. He 
was, however, faSl entangled by the hundred wives he 
kept in his seraglio. 

But let us return to- our brave champion. The 
Nauabo, in order to show that he was impartial, and 
had no desire to favour the Fathers at the expense of 
ju^ice, and being weary of the complaints with which 
the Gentiles incessantly besieged his ears, referred the 
case to the Cateris^ who are certain Pagan judges of 
great authority, before whom the Brachmanes, and the 
Panditos who were with them, maintained that never, 
since the beginning of the world, had such a case been 
known in Indo^an, and that when the King heard of 
it, his anger would be great ; for once, when the son 
of a Brachmane (whom they named) had wished to 
turn Saracen, his Majesty had refused his consent, and 
rebuked the man so severely that he abandoned his 
intention. The Nauabo, on hearing them say this, 
told them that they were fools ; and going away, he 
gave inSlruftions to the Catual that he was to summon 
the Panditos, and that, in their presence, the young 
man was again to be asked by the judges whether, or 
not, he wished to return to the law of the Gentiles^ ; 
that if he did, he was to be handed over to his rela- 
tions ; and that if he persevered in his resolution, he 
was to be placed in the charge of the Fathers. Before 
carrying out this order, the Catual, without the know- 
ledge of the Father Pigneiro, had the young man 
condufted to the house of the Coxi, who may be 



described as the Vicar-General of the supreme Prelat 
of the Gentiles {qu! eSl comme le Vicaire general du Prelat 
souverain des Gentiles)^ whither he was accompanied 
by his parents, and a crowd of four or five thousand 
Gentiles. The Greets through which he passed were 
thronged with people, and numbers more were to be 
seen at the windows and on the roofs of the houses ; 
for they came from every quarter of the city, many 
having shut up their shops that they might come and 
see what was taking place. 

This one poor lamb in the mid^ of so many wolves 
endured a thousand insults, in addition to kicks and 
blows, from which, because the crowd was so great, 
the Catual's people were unable to proteft him. From 
every side abuse was heaped upon him ; whilSl many 
cursed him for blackening their faith by an aft such 
as none of his race had ever before committed. The 
young man boldly answered, " You speak these things 
because you do not know what you are saying." But 
in his heart he said (as he afterwards told the Fathers), 
'* Lord Jesus, for love of Thee, I joyfully suffer these 
trials ; and though more come upon me, I will never 
abandon Thy law.** He assured the Fathers that never 
in his life had he experienced such comfort of mind as 
dxiring this ordeal, and particularly when he confessed 
and avowed himself a Chri^ian in the presence of the 

Amidft an indescribable tumult, he arrived at the 
house of the Coxi. His parents, thinking he was 
already in their power, held him so firmly that, though 
he struggled manfully, plying both feet and elbows 



with great vigour, he was unable to free himself from 
them ; and at IzSt the judge himself had to order them 
to fall back. He then addressed the young man, 
admonishing him for the wrong he had done the 
Gentiles, and the sorrow he had brought upon his 
parents and relations by embracing a worthless law. 
He next told him that he had collected from the Gen- 
tiles two thousand rupees (which is the name of a coin 
used in this country, of the value of twenty-six so/s 
toumois^^ of our country), and that he himself would 
contribute two hundred more, in order that he might 
go and wash in the Ganges. For these Gentiles (as 
has been said previously) have a foolish idea about this 
river, believing that all who wash in it are cleansed of 
their sins, for which they obtain a kind of plenary 

In this river, then, the Pagan judge wished the 
Neophyte to go and bathe, that he might be purged 
of the foul sin which, in his opinion, he had comnnitted 
by embracing Chri^ianity; and to persuade him 
thereto, he added to the money already mentioned, 
many other tempting]^baits. When he had finished, 
the young man said, " For the torments of hell, and 
the loss of my soul, both of which I should suffer by 
following your advice, your two thousand rupees would 
console me no better than this spittle " ; and he spat 
upon the ground* " I would rather," he continued, 
** in my need, receive in alms firom the Fathers a single 
damaris^^ (which is a coin of very trifling value), than 
a hundred thousand rupees from you. And, if the 
Fathers are willing to give me shelter in their house, 



as they have done up till now, I shall count it happi- 
ness to sit on the lowe^ Stop of their doorway, and to 
eat what is left by those who serve them." With a 
fierce and angry countenance, the Pagan judge told 
him that he should be put to death if he did not in- 
ftantly abandon this Chri^ian madness, and liften to 
better counsels. " You delay too long ! " answered the 
Neophyte. " Do your will ! I am quite ready to die; 
for it has long been my greateft desire. It is a very 
ilrange thing that when any Gentile wishes to become 
a logue, or a Mahometan, there is none to ftand in 
his way ; but when he wishes to become a Chriftian, 
it seems that the Devil and hell are leagued againft 
him, to turn him from his purpose. From this I per- 
ceive the difference between your sefts and the law 
which I follow; for your sefts, since they are all of 
the Devil, do not oppose one another; but my law, 
being the law of the true God, is assailed by you and 
by all the powers of hell." On hearing him speak thus, 
the judge turned to his father and mother : " Your 
child," he said, ** is loSt, He is not worth any further 
thought or trouble." And with these words he con- 
cluded his inquiry, and sent the young man away. 

As he returned through the Greets after leaving the 
tribunal, the Neophyte was subjected to even worse 
insults and ill-usage than he had suffered on his way 
thither* The Catual, on being informed of what was 
happening, was in great anger, and sent a large number 
of people to escort and defend him ; but so dense was 
the multitude of the Gentiles, that they could afford 
him little protection. 



But this was not all. From the house of the Catual, 
he was taken before the King's Cazique^^^ ig a 
kind of Mahometan bishop ; and in his presence, after 
answering with invincible firmness all the que^ions 
that were put to him, he made, like St Frangois, a 
public renunciation, which his relatives had demanded, 
of all that he possessed, or was heir to. When this 
had been done, the Cazique in^lrufted the judge to 
hand the deed to the father and mother, and to have 
the young man taken to the church and placed in the 
charge of Father Pigneiro, as ordered by the Nauabo, 
This happy issue filled the Christians with incredible 
joy and satisfaction ; for they had seen the champion 
of their faith return victorious from battle, the Gentiles 
shamed, the Mahometans put to confusion, hell and 
the Devil balked of their prey, and Jestis-ChriSt 
triumphant over unbelief. 

The next day. Father Pigneiro took the Neophyte 
to visit the Nauabo, who received him very kindly, 
and warmly commended his constancy to the Chriftian 
faith. He then asked him where his cross was, seeing 
that he was a Chri^ian. The other showed him a 
reliquary which he carried; but the Nauabo was not 
satisfied. " That," said he, " is not a cross." The 
Neophyte then took from his neck a chain with a cross 
attached to it, and showed it to him. On seeing it, the 
Nauabo turned to some Gentiles who were present, and 
said : " This young man has done well to abandon 
worthless things, and embrace the law of the Lord 
Jesus." In short, he took a great fancy to the young 
man, and often invited him to his house. Sometimes 



he would give him a present of some rupees. If he 
gave him ten rupees, the Gentiles spread the report 
that he had given him a hundred ; if he gave him a 
hundred, they reported it as a thousand, which in- 
creased the ill-will of the Pagans. Thus terminated 
the moSt noteworthy episode in the lives of the 
Chriftians during the year 1602. 

An Imperial Farman 

Having taken, as we have seen, the fortress of Syr, 
and made himself ma^er of the kingdom of Breampur, 
Echebar, finding that his affairs were not in a satis- 
faftory ftate,^ decided to return to his country, though 
it was ^lill his intention to carry on the war, and to 
conquer all the kingdoms of Melique and Idalcan, for 
which purpose he left several of his captains in the 
lands he had conquered. He himself withdrew to the 
city of Agra, and thither the Fathers, who usually 
travelled in his suite, accompanied him. These were 
Father Hierosme Xauier and Father Emmanuel 
Pigneiro, who had come from the city of Lahor, where 
Francois Corsi, of whom we have spoken above, was 
at that time residing. 

It was at this juncture that Father Antoine Machado 
and Benoiil de Goes (who was to go to Catai) were on 
their way to meet the King and join the Fathers who 
followed the court.^ It took them seven months to 
travel from Goa to Agra. The Fathers were informed 
of their approach by the King, to whom information 
of their movements had been sent ; and Father Pigneiro 
at once proceeded to a spot some leagues di^ant from 
the city to welcome them* This was the sweeteft re- 
freshment which the travellers had known during their 



journey through the fierce heat, which at this season 
burns like fire throughout the country. 

Having arrived at Agra, and having paid their 
respefts to the King, who received them with great 
cordiality, they set themselves to renew their spiritual 
fellowship, and, during the month that they were 
together, they formed themselves into something like 
a small college, maintaining, as far as was prafticable, 
monastic discipline. They also at this time had some 
important conversations with the King, the chief result 
of which was the issue by his Maje^ly of a general 
permission to his subjefts to become Chri^ians, This 
came about in the following way. Father Frangois 
Corsi, who was at this time in charge of the church at 
Labor, which is the capital of the elates of the Mogor, 
was much depressed, partly because he was without a 
companion, and partly because he saw that Christian 
affairs were not prospering. For after the deaths of 
the two Viceroys who had displayed so much goodwill 
towards the Fathers and their Church, a third had 
succeeded, who was of an opposite disposition*; for 
besides being a Saracen and ^ongly opposed to Chris- 
tianity, he was a sworn enemy of the Portuguese, whom 
he had fought againft some years previously, when 
governor of Guzarate, and whose courage he had ex- 
perienced in several encounters, in one of which he 
had been wounded. Moreover, the Portuguese had 
seized a ship loaded with merchandise, which he was 
sending to Meque, without having obtained from 
them any safe-conduft.^ As soon as he was inftalled 
as Viceroy, he began to annoy the Fathers in many 


ways, and also to persecute the Chri^ians, seizing 
their wives, and endeavouring by force to make them 
renounce the faith of our Saviour. But, thanks to God, 
they all remained conftant, and he was never able to 
achieve his ptirpose. 

The Fathers who were at the court of the King, on 
learning of these things, made their way to his Maje^. 
And because it is a recognised custom, as we have 
before Elated, that those who go to speak with him 
should tender some gift, they took with them and 
presented to him two portraits drawn from life, one 
of the great Albuquerque, and the other of the Viceroy 
of India, Ayres de Saldagna. These the King expressed 
great pleasure at receiving. 

At the time the Fathers entered the palace, his 
Maje^y was counting a huge quantity of gold pieces 
of different values which he had had made. He was 
surrounded by some hundred and fifty dishes full of 
these, besides a great number of bags likewise full, 
which had either been counted, or were waiting to be 
counted. All of these were examined by him, as well 
as by others. He used every day to spend a portion 
of his time in this way ; for it was thus that he diverted 
himself when he returned weary to his palace after the 
public audiences, which, three times daily, he held for 
those who desired to speak with him. All the money 
having been counted and tied up in bags, was deposited 
among^ his treasures, which were very great. 

When the Fathers entered, the King bade them 
approach, and welcomed them with his accustomed 
cordiality. They then told him of the lonely Stzte of 

1 54 


Father Corsi at Lahor, and of the hindrances and 
annoyances to which he was subjefted, and begged 
that Father Pigneiro might be permitted to return to 
Lahor, To this his Maje^ly readily agreed, saying 
that he thought it a wise measure. The Fathers re- 
garded his consent as a great favour; for they had 
anticipated a refusal, in as much he had shown a special 
liking for Father Pigneiro, and greatly desired his 
presence at his court. In regard to the second point, 
he asked them if it was the Viceroy who thus troubled 
the Fathers and the Chri^ians. They replied that 
such was the case; and, as a proteftion again^l such 
treatment in the future, they begged his Maje^ 
graciously to grant them letters-patent, in the form of 
an edidt, signed by his own hand, proclaiming his 
goodwill, not only towards themselves, but towards 
the Church and the Christians, so that all in his Empire 
might know that they enjoyed his favour, and that he 
regarded them as his own. 

The King granted all that they asked without demur, 
ordering one of his eunuchs, a person of great authority 
who managed everything for him, to draw up the 
patents. The eunuch asked the Fathers for a draft of 
what they wished the letters to contain, which they 
accordingly gave him, including in it what moft of all 
they desired, namely, that all the subjefts of his 
Majefty should know that they were free to become 
Christians if they so wished, without any person being 
able to hinder them. Now since, up to this time, no 
such dispensation had been obtained, at any rate in 
letters-patent signed by the King, but had only been 


granted by word of mouth and as a special favour, the 
eunuch, when he came to this clause, topped short, 
and refused to include it, without firil consulting the 
King. When he did so a few days later, the King told 
him to get the letters prepared in the manner the 
Fathers desired; for, having given them his promise, 
he could not revoke it; and, further, that it was 
his intention that the letters should go forth in that 

On learning the King's decision, the eunuch in- 
cluded this article with the others in the patents, and 
then togk them to the maistre (Thostel^^ who is a great 
captain, and through whose hands all letters-patent 
and edifts pass. The maistre hostel was full of promises ; 
but when he came to this same clause he, too, paused, 
and delayed the aflFair from day to day. When the 
Fathers went to him and begged him to pass their 
letters as soon as possible, he told them that his delay 
was due to the clause in which the King gives leave 
to all his vassals to become Chriftians if they wish, 
without any being able to prevent them ; for this clause 
was full of difficulty, in as much as it threatened to 
deprive the Mahometan law of all its credit, and would, 
moreover, give grave offence to the Viceroy of Lahor^ 
(who was his father-in-law). It was, therefore, neces- 
sary, he said, for him to speak to the King before 
proceeding further; and this he promised to do in 
their presence, if they would be at the palace when 
the King came forth. The Fathers were there punftu- 
ally at the hour arranged ; but when the King appeared, 
the other made no attempt to speak to him, excusing 



himself to the Fathers by saying that it was not the 
time, nor the place, for bringing the matter forward. 
It was better, he said, to wait till the King was alone ; 
and he promised to approach him as soon as a favour- 
able opportunity occurred. This was only a pretext 
for further delay; for the maistre d' hostel had no inten- 
tion of speaking to the King at all ; and the fair words 
he addressed to the Fathers were merely to keep their 
beaks to the water, as we say, whil^ he devised means 
for shelving the business permanently. 

The matter was already in the mouths of the great 
ones of the court, who, being for the moil part 
Mahometans, looked upon these patents as prejudicial 
to their law. Some of them said that the clause should 
be deleted, and others that the Fathers had no business 
to demand such an edift, and that it was sufficient for 
them to be able to make converts in the manner they 
had done hitherto. In short, so many difficulties were 
raised by these officers, that the Fathers had almost 
despaired of attaining their end, when their cause was 
taken up by one who enjoyed the special favour of the 
King, This was a young gentleman who had been one 
of Father Pigneiro's pupils during the latter^s firft 
year in the country. Though he had studied for a 
brief period only, he ^ill retained a ^brong regard and 
respeft for the Fathers ; and he now found an oppor- 
tunity of speaking to the King on the queftion that 
was being so much discussed, and of telling him all 
that had taken place in connection therewith. The 
King again confirmed what he had already said and 
decreed, after which the other, by using all his in- 


fluence, was able to carry the affair through. For 
although the signing of the letters was vigorously 
opposed by the Saracens, and in particular by the 
captain Agiscoa, who was as it were the grand chan- 
cellor,^ and whose business it was to seal them and 
present them to the King for signature, nevertheless, 
this young gentleman was able, after one or two more 
interviews with his Majefty, to hand to the Fathers 
their patents duly completed, sealed, and signed by 
the King's own hand. In return for his assi^ance, he 
asked the Fathers to give him a certain very sacred 
image of our Saviour which they possessed. Though 
very reluftant to part with it, the Fathers could not 
do otherwise than grant his requeft, since it was for 
our Saviour, and the increase of His glory, that he had 
rendered them this service. They made up their minds, 
however, to redeem it as soon as they could obtain an 
image which pleased him more. 

The Saracens ^ongly resented the passing of these 
letters, and for some days little else was talked of at 
the court. For never before had such a dispensation 
been granted in a Saracen country ; so that many were 
confirmed in their belief that the King was no longer 
of their law, and that he had be^owed his afFeftions 
on the Fathers, as, indeed, he had clearly shown, by 
Standing his ground and according them this favour. 

Having obtained the objeft of their desires, the 
Fathers returned thanks fir^ of all to God, the centre 
and fountain of all good, who holds the hearts of kings 
in His hand, and moulds them to His will, and then 
to the King and others to whose help they were be- 



holden. Shortly afterwards. Father Pigneiro went t< 
take leave of the King prior to his departure for Lahor 
His Maje^y dismissed him with much kindness, anc 
gave him a horse from his own tables for his journey 
which was more than a hundred leagues. This wa 
highly appreciated by the Fathers; for such favour 
did much to enhance their credit in the eyes of th< 
Saracens and Gentiles, 


A Miraculous Picture 

While Father Pigneiro was ^ill in the city of Agra, 
Father Xauier, who was also there, presented to the 
King a treatise in the Persian language on the life, 
miracles, and teaching of our Saviour Jesus-ChriSl,^ 
which his Majesty had himself asked for, having a 
great desire to see the same. He showed, too, that he 
valued it very highly, and often he made his great 
captain Agiscoa* read it aloud to him, in doing which 
the latter found so much pleasure that he asked the 
Father for a copy of it for himself. Indeed the book 
was so much spoken of amongft the great ones of the 
court, as to arouse the hope that it was God's purpose 
to make known by its means His only Son, our 
Saviour, to these infidels and misbelievers. The King 
afterwards asked the Father to write another book on 
the lives of the Apo^lles. 

But that which more than anything else impressed 
the inhabitants of the town of Agra was a pi6hire of 
our Lady, copied from that at Rome called di Populoy^ 
which the Fathers had obtained two years previously 
from Portugal, but which, until now, they had not 
dared to exhibit, for fear that the King might ask 
them for it. However, at the feaft of Noel of the 
year 1601, and at that of the Circumcision of our 



Saviour in the year 1602, they decided that it should 
be placed in the church,^ which, on this occasion, 
they decorated as splendidly as possible, having no 
other motive beyond their own devotion and that of 
the Chri^ians. 

One day during the oftave, some poor women who 
lived near the church, having asked and received per- 
mission to enter the building, were so deeply moved 
by the beauty of the pidhire that they went out and 
proclaimed on all sides its wonders and perfeftion, so 
that the tidings passed from mouth to mouth until 
they were spread throughout the city. In consequence, 
a huge crowd coUedled at the church, the people 
leaving their shops and their work to come and see 
this marvel. That same evening, more than two thou- 
sand people came to the church from the ^eets in the 

Early next morning, when the door of the church 
was opened, many were waiting to enter. The Fathers 
made hafte to say their masses ; and, le^ any disorder 
should arise, they placed guards at the doors of their 
house, while each of them took his place at one of the 
doors of the church, to receive the people and speak 
to them. The pidhire of the Holy Virgin was placed 
on the altar of the chapel, between lighted candles, and 
was covered by two curtains, one thin and transparent, 
the other of silk taffeta. As soon as the church was 
full of people, the coverings were removed ; and beside 
the two boys who always ^lood by the altar when the 
pidture was shown, was one who explained in the 
language of the country who this Lady was whose 
M 161 


likeness they beheld, and that her Son was none other 
than our Saviour and Redeemer Jesus-Chrift, who 
became incarnate in the womb of this same blessed 
Virgin Mary, and came into the world that He might 
teach mankind the true law, and the path which leads 
to salvation. The opportunity was also used to explain 
to them the principal myfteries and the foundations of 
our belief, all which things filled them with astonish- 
ment. The pi6hire afFedled them in a manner that was 
wholly miraculous; for it aroused in them not only 
wonder, but remorse for their sins, while at the same 
time it brought exceeding consolation to their hearts. 
In short, as they went away, the Fathers were amazed 
at the change that had come over them. For after- 
wards, when they spoke (as they were in the habit 
of doing to the gentlemen and others of position) 
of the wonderful works and virtues of our Saviour 
and of His thrice holy Mother, exposing at the 
same time the deceptions and vices of Mahomet, 
their hearers likened attentive and abashed, and 
without denying anything that was told them. And 
this was no small thing where Mahometans were 
concerned, who cannot endure that anyone should 
speak evil in their presence of their false Prophet, 
and seeing that they hold pidhires of all kinds in great 
abhorrence; notwith^anding which they went away 
full of veneration for the Virgin, and deeply impressed 
by her sanftity. 

That all might be done in an orderly manner, only 
as many people as the church could conveniently hold 
were admitted at one time, others passing in as these 



came out* The men were separated from the women, 
an arrangement which was generally appreciated. 
Those who came on the fir^ two days belonged for 
the moSt part to the lower orders; but on the third 
and following days men of learning, who are called 
Mullas, began to come, as well as nobles and others 
of rank, who had before deemed it discreditable to 
enter a Chri^ian church. The example of these great 
ones was followed by people of every sort and quality. 
By counting those who entered the church on a par- 
ticular day, it was shown that the daily attendance 
exceeded ten thousand persons. The Fathers had so 
much to do to maintain order in so great a concourse 
of people that they were unable to spare even a quarter 
of an hour for their repa^, which they were obliged 
to po^pone till night. 

Among^l the gentlemen and grandees who came was 
a great captain, accompanied by more than sixty men 
on horseback and many others on foot, who, as soon 
as he saw the pidhire, ftood as one in a trance, so over- 
come was he with admiration. After him came others, 
and others again after them, all of whom returned to 
their houses so full of wonder that they could talk of 
nothing but the pidhire, and sent all the members of 
their families, even their wives, to see it. Many of the 
latter were grand dames, whom the Fathers received 
with great honour and respeft, allowing none to enter 
the church with them except their own attendants. 
One of the King's officers, a person high in authority, 
and of the se6t of the Saracens, whose duties prevented 
him from visiting the church except in the early morn- 



ing, was condufted thither by one of the Fathers. 
When the pifture was shown to him, he gazed on it 
for a long time in silent wonder. Presently, tears filled 
his eyes and began, one by one, to roll down his cheeks. 
The Father made him sit down and, not to lose so 
favourable an opportunity, commenced to speak to 
him of divine things ; but he continued to weep, with- 
out withdrawing his eyes from the pidhire. After a 
time, the Father said to him : " What evil can Mahomet 
and his followers find in the use and veneration of 
piftures, seeing that by their means our hearts may be 
changed and comforted ? " He answered that this was 
something which the Saracens did not underhand; 
after which he spoke so ill of Mahomet, and so highly 
of Jesus-Chri^l, that the moSt pious of Chriftians could 
not have said more. Having remained in the church 
until the Father was obliged to open the doors, because 
of the great crowd of people awaiting admission, he 
departed, greatly comforted in spirit, and expressing 
on all sides his unbounded admiration of our holy 

The church was also visited by a brother and a 
nephew of the King of Xhander [Khandesh],® with 
some cousins and other relations of the same King, and 
by the son of the King of Canda9ar who came two or 
three times, accompanied by a big retinue. Some of 
the gentlemen and grandees of the court, after seeing 
the pi6hire, told the Fathers that they could not, with- 
out incurring the royal displeasure, refrain from making 
known to the King a thing so marvellous, and so worthy 
to be seen. Accordingly, on leaving the church, they 



went to the palace, and told his Majesty all about it. 
The King said that he had already heard of the picture, 
which he, too, had a great desire to see, and that he 
would be very glad if it could be brought to him. 
When the Fathers intimated that it was a great pity 
his Maje^ should not see it in its proper place on the 
altar, he said that he would go to the church ; but his 
courtiers told him that he could not do this without 
great inconvenience, because it was a long distance to 
where the Fathers lived (and in faQ: though their 
lodging was in the city, it was di^ant a good half 
league from the palace), and that it would be better if 
the Fathers had it brought to the palace. This they 
did the next day, but after nightfall, so that the people 
should know nothing of it. When the King was told 
that it had arrived, he expressed his satisfaction, and 
ordered it to be brought to his chamber. While Father 
Pigneiro was fetching it, he had a black gahan^ or 
rain-cloak, brought, which for some days he had been 
intending to present to the Fathers; and addressing 
Father Xauier, he asked him if he considered it a useful 
and suitable garment for them. " Yes, Sire," said the 
Father, " it will serve to protect us from the rain when 
we go into the country with your Majesty; but these 
tassels and silken cords (for it was fastened by lacing) 
are not suitable for us." " That is nothing," said the 
King; cut them off, if you do not like them." And 
descending some ^eps of the throne on which he had 
been seated, he placed the cloak with his own hands 
on the Father's shoulders. At the same moment, 
Father Pigneiro entered with the pidhire, which was 



of the height of a man, suitably draped, and veiled in 
the manner described above. As soon as it was un- 
covered, the King descended from his throne, on which 
he had resumed his seat, and, partially baring his head, 
approached it and made a deep reverence. His pleasure 
at seeing the pi6hire was very great. Out of respedl 
for him, the nobles who were in attendance did not 
venture to approach ; but he called them to him one 
by one that they might see it, and all alike showed 
their astonishment, and vied with one another in 
praising our Lord and the holy Virgin, thereby filling 
the hearts of the Fathers with joy. The King was 
greatly impressed by the pidhire, and said how much 
it would have been appreciated by his father, who, he 
added, had he been presented with such a thing, 
would have granted the giver of it the highe^ favours 
he coixld ask. The drift of this remark was not loSl 
on the Fathers, though they pretended not to under- 
stand it, and with a few complimentary words sought 
to turn the conversation. ** For this night,'* said the 
King, " you mu^ let me have it in my sleeping apart- 
ment.'' And thither he immediately conduced the 
Fathers, saying that it should be put in the place they 
considered moSt suitable. When this had been done, 
he again did homage to the pidhire, this time almoft 
completely removing his head-dress, a thing which 
it was never his cu^om to do. His reason for 
wishing to keep the picture that night was, as the 
Fathers knew, that he might show it to his wives 
and daughters. This he did, telling them of the 
excellence and holiness of the Virgin Mary. They 

1 66 


came again to see it in the morning, and all of 
them, though they were Mahometans, paid it great 
honour and veneration. One of them who had 
previously been Wrongly opposed to our faith, came 
away in an altogether different frame of mind, and 
with her opinion of the Chriftian religion completely 

The Fathers returned to the palace the next day, in 
great anxiety leSt the King should wish to keep the 
pifture; but, by the grace of God, he reftored it to 
them ; and with joy in their hearts, they made ha^e 
to carry it back to their house. 

When the people knew that the pi6hxre had gone to 
the palace, they were very sorrowful, fearing that they 
would never see it again ; and no sooner did they hear 
that it had been re^ored to its place, than they again 
flocked to see it. It was not long, however, before 
their devotion was a second time interrupted ; for the 
King*s mother, who was very advanced in age, on 
hearing of the wonders of the pifture, greatly desired 
to see it, which she had not been able to do whil^ it 
was at the palace, and begged her $on to ask the 
Fathers to send it to her. In excuse for his requeft, 
the King said that, although his mother was a very old 
lady, she expefted, not unnaturally, all the indulgence 
and attention which was due to her position. The 
Fathers at once had it taken to her residence^ ; and on 
its arrival, the King himself, allowing no one to help 
him, took it in his arms and carried it into her chamber, 
placing it in a high position, which had been prepared 
for it beforehand, where it could be seen, not only by 



his mother, but by his wives and children, who, 
though they had already seen it, again contemplated 
it with admiration and delight. The King ftood all 
the time by the pidbire, allowing no one to touch it, 
and finally sent it by one of his eunuchs to the Fathers 
who were waiting without. 

As a great crowd of people had assembled in the 
palace yard in the hope of being able to see the pidhire, 
some of the captains and nobles begged the Fathers 
to show it to them. As they could not with courtesy 
decline this requeft, and seeing that they would be 
able to satisfy so large a number of persons at one 
time, they placed it where all could see it and publicly 
uncovered it. The moment it was exposed to view, the 
noise and clamour of the crowded coxirtyard was 
hushed as if by magic, and the people gazed on the 
piftiire in unbroken silence. As the Fathers carried 
it back to their house, those in the streets through 
which they passed congratulated them on having re- 
covered it ; for when they had seen it being taken to 
the palace, they thought that the King intended to 
keep it for himself. They began once more to flock 
to the church ; but this was only for a few days ; for 
many of the King's friends had persuaded him to have 
the pifture copied, though he had assured them that 
none of his painters could equal its perfedtion. How- 
ever, to put the matter to the te^, he summoned to 
the palace all the beft painters of the town,^ at the 
same time requeuing the Fathers to send him the 
pifhire. They, accordingly, took it to the palace, and 
themselves placed it in position, while the King, who 



was also there, himself arranged that a good light 
should fall on it ; he also gave Strid: injunftions to his 
pages to allow no one to approach it. As many gentle- 
men, both Saracen and Gentile, as well as a nephew of 
the King, came there, the Fathers, not to let slip so 
good an opportunity, discoursed throughout the day, 
with great boldness, of the mysteries of our holy faith, 
and the marvellous virtues of our Lady and her holy 
Son. The Saracens were willing listeners, and seemed 
to be pleased at what they heard, and to derive there- 
from an idea of our religion very different from that 
which they had previously held. And this cannot but 
be e^eemed a very noteworthy circum^ance, since 
they are accuftomed to regard with great contempt all 
that relates to our law. 

This time, the pidlure remained some days at the 
palace. But though the painters put forth their utmo^ 
skill, they were fain at la^l to lay down their imple- 
ments, acknowledging that such perfedlion of por- 
traiture was beyond their skill, and that they were 
imable to compete with the Portuguese in this art. 
Upon this, many tried to persuade the Fathers to 
present the pidhire to the King ; but they courteously 
excused themselves, and on the plea that the feail of 
the resurreftion of our Saviour was approaching, 
begged his Maje^ly that it might be returned to 

When the pifture was once more in their posses- 
sion, the Fathers were very imwilling to part with it 
again ; and though many great Lords asked for it, that 
they might show it to their wives, they declined, except 



on two occasions when refusal seemed impossible, to 
comply with their requests. One of those to whom it 
was sent was Agiscoa,^^ the greater captain of the 
court, and fo^er-brother to the King, in whose favour 
he ^lood very high. Each was the father-in-law of the 
other's children; for one of the King's sons was 
married to a daughter of Agiscoa, and a son of the 
latter to a daughter of the King. The goodwill of 
this powerful noble was a matter of importance to the 
Fathers, and they, accordingly, took the pifture to his 
house, where he had assembled his wives, his daughters, 
his daughters-in-law, and nimierous other relations. 
Agiscoa received them with many compliments and 
courtesies, and taking the picture from them, carried 
it, with the assi^ance of one of his eunuchs, into the 
house, afterwards re^oring it to them in the same 
manner. The happy result of this event was that this 
noble, though an influential Saracen, remained from 
that time forward much more kindly disposed towards 
the Fathers than he had formerly been. The following 
morning, he sent one of the chief members of his 
household to thank them on his behalf for the favour 
they had done him, and to assure them that his services 
were at all times at their disposal. He also expressed 
a desire to underhand the myftery of this Lady, and 
offered, in the event of the Fathers being willing to 
part with the picture, to give them whatever price they 
asked for it; if this was impossible, he begged them 
to procure him another like it, promising to defray all 
the expenditure incurred. 

The other, whose request it was found impossible 



to refuse, was the King of Candagarj^^ who had for 
some years resided at the court of King Echebar, to 
whom he had ceded his kingdom, being unable to 
defend it againft Abduxam, King of Husbech.^^ When 
he asked that the pidture might be sent to him, one of 
the Fathers took it to his house, a number of people 
accompanying him. While the King exhibited it to 
his wives, the Father remained outside, talking with 
his son, who asked him, among^ other things, what 
opinion the Chri^ians held of Mahomet. The Father 
told him that we regard him as one of the greatest 
impofters that ever entered the world. The other was 
much aftonished to find that people such as we do not 
hold him in the same e^eem as the Mahometans ; for 
he belonged to an Ea^ern country, where the law of 
Mahomet has taken firm root ; and hence he thought 
that all the world followed it. The King returned the 
pi£hire with profuse thanks and acknowledgments, 
sending some crowns for the boys who had come with 
the Father, and a larger sum of money for the Father 
himself. But neither the Father nor the boys would 
accept anything from him, at which the servants of 
the King, as well as the King himself, marvelled much ; 
for the idea of refusing money when it was offered, 
was something altogether ^Irange to them. Now that 
the pifhu^e was once more in their safe keeping, the 
Fathers refused, despite all entreaties, to send it away 

Thus was God glorified, and the Chri^ian faith 
announced and exalted amongft the Saracens and Gen- 
tiles, by means of this pidbire of the holy Virgin, 



Mother of our Saviour. And we may believe that, in 
as much as through her we have received the eternal 
Word, clad in our own nature, so, through her inter- 
cession, the infidel peoples will receive the light of 
truth, and the knowledge of the same Word. Let us 
now turn our attention to what has been taking place 
in the territories of the Mogor. 



Events of the Year 1602 

Although in the conversion of souls there was not so 
much progress in this land of the Saracens, who are 
as hard as diamonds to work upon, as in other lands 
where this se6t has not taken root, yet God did not 
withhold his mercies from his sheep scattered in this 
va^l fore^ of unbelief. 

In the year 1602, there were at Rantambur some 
forty persons, for the mo^l part children or grand- 
children of Portuguese, with their wives and relatives, 
who had been taken by the Great Mogor at the capture 
of the fortress of Syr, and had been enslaved. For 
though the King had led some of his prisoners to Agra, 
where he afterwards set them at liberty, trusting that 
they would not run away, he left the majority of them 
in the fortress of Rantambur, where they would have 
been completely forgotten, if the Fathers had not 
borne them in mind. Deeming the season of Lent, 
which was then approaching, a suitable time for visit- 
ing them, the Fathers went to the King and begged 
that, in as much as Chriftians are bound at this season 
to fulfil the principal obligations of their law, namely 
to confess and to communicate, his Maje^ would be 
pleased to permit one of them to visit these Portuguese 
prisoners in order to in^uft them, and enable them 



to do their duty as good Christians. The visit, they 
said, would not occupy more than twenty days. In 
reply, the King told them that the prisoners might be 
brought to Agra, which was what the Fathers moft 
desired. They were straightway sent for; and with 
them came five Turcs, that is to say, Turcs of Europe ; 
for two kinds of Turkish soldiers are found in India, 
those of Asia, to whom the name Turc is given, and 
those of Europe, who are mo^ly from Conilantinople, 
which has been called the New Rome, on which 
account they are called Rumes both by Indians and 
Portuguese, who have corrupted the Greek name 
Voajjiaioq into Rumes.^ 

These five Turcs, then, being also prisoners, were, 
through the interposition of the Fathers, brought to 
Agra, for which they showed themselves very grateful ; 
for if they had not found this means of liberation, they 
could have hoped for no other. The prisoners were 
all brought in chains ; but these were taken off at the 
solicitation of the Fathers, who also obtained the 
King's consent to their being employed in his service, 
and receiving food and clothing. In granting this 
petition, the King told the prisoners publicly that 
though they deserved death, because they had killed 
many of his people in the war, yet because of his love 
for the Fathers, he gave them not only life but liberty. 
It was the wish of one of the King's maistres hostel to 
place them in the service of an Armenian, who was 
the lord of certain villages; but the Fathers begged 
the King that they might remain near them, so that 
they might inStnift them in the faith; since, if they 



were separated from them, they would soon becor 
more uncivilised than they had been before, Tj 
King granted their reque^, and the prisoners we 
lodged close to them; and after they had inftru<5l< 
them in their faith, of which they knew little 
nothing, they baptised all who had not been baptis< 
before, which included the greater portion of them. 
Now since these, and certain others who had con 
before, had been captured in Breampur and taken 
places further south, their wives, daughters, and oth 
relations had been left behind, and were in great ne< 
and peril. Accordingly, the Fathers, being unable 
yet to withdraw these, despatched letters of credit 
them, to provide them with a means of livelihood un 
they could be sent for. This could not be done f 
some time, owing to the debts which they and the 
husbands had incurred; for it was necessary to ws 
until these had all been paid. Subsequently, by tl 
will of God, a young Armenian, of a very honourab 
disposition, whom the Fathers had commissioned 
assift these poor people, brought them all back wii 
him, trusting to the Fathers to repay him what he hs 
spent, which they did very willingly, thanking him f< 
having done so good a work. After they had arrivei 
and baptism had been adminiftered to those who hs 
not received it, they were re-married, according to tl 
laws of the Church, to those who had also been baj 
tised. Finally, they were all lodged near the house < 
the Fathers, and at their expense, which was a gre, 
blessing to these poor people ; and they regarded it j 
a sign of God's special providence that in their captivii 


and misery He raised up the Fathers to succour them, 
who not only taught them the way of salvation, but 
mini^ered to their temporal needs with true paternal 
charity. Who can help marvelling at God's wisdom 
in using these means to make Himself known to these 
poor men and women, sprung from the Portuguese 
race, who, but ye^lerday, were dwelling amongst in- 
fidels, known only as Franks (for so they call Chriftians 
in these parts), without baptism, and without any 
knowledge of God; and who, to-day, are living like 
honeft men, keeping the commandments of God and 
the Church, and recognising very clearly the truth of 
the Christian faith, and the grace which God has 
shown them in receiving them into His fold ? 

Here is a noteworthy case in which we see very 
clearly the wonderful effeft of divine interposition and 
predeftination. A certain woman, the slave of a 
Christian, fled from her mafter, and, returning after 
a long time, came to the Fathers and begged for aid 
and suftenance. Now while the Fathers were inve^i- 
gating her case, the devil tempted her, so that she fled 
a second time, and, though she was married to a 
Chri^ian, abandoned herself body and soul to a 
Saracen, On her again returning at the end of a month, 
the Fathers lodged her with a very hone^l Chriftian, 
where she ^aightway fell sick in giving birth to a 
daughter, and lay at the point of death. One of the 
Fathers, though he saw nothing alarming in the con- 
dition of the child, except that it was weak, nevertheless 
baptised it, and on the following night, contrary to the 
expeftations of all, its spirit returned to God. But the 



slave, though she appeared to be dying, and twice 
confessed her sins, did not merit so blessed a fate ; for, 
having recovered from her sickness, she fled a third 
time, and was never seen again. From this, we very 
plainly see that all her comings and goings, and the 
illness which God sent to her, were designed to save 
this little one, whom he had prede^lined to glory. 

In another case, a Mahometan woman, noticing a 
small infant lying on a heap of refuse by the wayside, 
and moved with compassion at the sight, lifted it up 
and took it to the Catual, asking his permission to take 
it to the church, and place it in the care of the Fathers, 
which, on her reque^ being granted, she did forth- 
with. The Fathers immediately baptised it, and soon 
afterwards this fair soul, newly cleansed in the blood 
of Jesus-Chri^, went to partake of the joys of heaven. 
The Fathers arranged a very beautiful funeral. Swath- 
ing the body in a seemly fashion, they exposed it, 
with its face uncovered, in the church, where so many 
came to see it that one would have thought that some 
solemn festival was being held. Later, accompanied 
by a large number of people, it was carried through 
the middle of the city, the bier decorated as if for a 
fSte, and the body covered with flowers. This greatly 
raised our faith in the efteem of the Saracens and 
Gentiles, who spoke loudly in praise of the Chriftians 
for the respedl which they showed towards their dead. 

Father Pigneiro baptised at Labor the two sons of 
the Persian ambassador, named Manuquer, who after 
four years^ residence in this country was about to 
return to Persia,^ He was a Georgian Chriftian, and 

N 177 


Wore a cross on his arm, though it was concealed from 
view. During his sojourn in Lahor, he had made the 
acquaintance of the Fathers and had showed them 
much kindness and affeftion. It was his intention, he 
said, to persuade the King of Persia to invite other 
Fathers to come and preach the Christian faith and 
build churches in his kingdom. 

There came also certain Turcs, who had been sent 
by a Baxa [Pasha] to ask permission of the King to 
trade in his country. With them was a young man, 
a native of Hungary, of the town of Bude [Buda Pe^h], 
whom they had enslaved. When this became known 
to the Fathers, they managed to withdraw the young 
man from their hands, and sent him to Goa, that he 
might receive in^lruftion in the faith, and be able to 
lead a Chri^ian life.* 

A young ChriSian woman, who was married to a 
Christian of the Greek nation, happened, while travel- 
ling with her husband from Lahor, to pass through 
the town of her birth. Her husband did not know that 
this was her native place; for he had obtained her 
from a Saracen who had stolen her from her parents 
when she was very young, and who had told him that 
she was a Gentile, and belonged to another part of the 
country. The Greek had her carefully brought up in 
the house of some honeft people, and eventually, 
following the counsel of the Fathers, made her his 
wife. On reaching this town, the woman, having a 
desire to see her mother and relatives, told the circum- 
^lances of her birth to her husband, and asked his 
permission to visit them. The latter, suspefting no 



evil, sought out his wife's mother, and allowed her t< 
see her daughter. The next day, the woman made ; 
complaint to the judge, saying that she had discoverec 
her daughter and the man who had ftolen her. Th< 
judge immediately sent twelve men on horseback anc 
thirty on foot to seize the two of them. When the] 
had been taken, the husband was led before the judge 
who que^ioned him on the matter, and at the sam^ 
time sent some officers to his wife to ascertain how sh( 
came to be in this man's power. In answer to thei 
inquiries, the woman said that a certain Mogor hac 
seized her when she was very small, and had givei 
her to him to whom she now belonged. She told then 
that she was married after having become a Chriftian 
and added that she recognised her mother quite well 
and would acknowledge her provided that she becami 
a Chri^lian, but not otherwise. The Saracens triec 
hard to induce her to quit the faith of Jesus-Chri^ 
but with great firmness she replied, ** I have no 
accepted this law in order to abandon it; I woulc 
rather lose my life than do so " ; and when they sough 
by force to place her in her mother's charge, she tolc 
them that if they did so, she would kill herself, pre 
tending that she would do this willingly, though it wai 
very far from her desire. On this account, and parth 
because they found that her husband was known t( 
the King, for he had shown them the letters-paten 
which he carried, they allowed her to go free. In th< 
end, her many relatives were pacified, while all th< 
town marvelled at her firmness. But what was mon 
extraordinary than all else was that her mother followe( 



her, and throwing herself at the husband's feet, begged 
his forgiveness; after which she went with them to 
Lahor, and herself became a Chriftian. 

In the same year 1 602, two ships of the Portuguese 
navy, while sailing northwards in the gulf of Cambaya, 
were wrecked on a portion of the cozSt which was under 
the sway of the King of Mogor, Some fifty Portu- 
guese and fifteen servants contrived to reach land, but 
were instantly made prisoners by the captain who 
governed that country in the name of the King. The 
latter, to whom the circum^ance was at once reported, 
ordered the prisoners to be sent to him. In the course 
of their journey, the poor fellows endured so many 
hardships that when they reached Lahor^ their plight 
was pitiful to behold. The King gave orders that they 
were to be imprisoned; but Father Xauier, who 
happened to be there, begged that they might be 
placed in his charge, promising to deliver them up to 
his Majesty's ofiicers whenever so ordered. His 
reque^l was granted, and the Fathers accordingly took 
the prisoners to their house where they sheltered them, 
and later transferred them to another house which the 
King placed at their disposal. They were supported 
throughout at the expense of the Fathers, but for 
whom, they would have perished miserably from 
hunger and other affliftions. That they found such 
a refuge was a manifestation of the providence of God. 
Their captains were Louys d'Antas Lobo and George 
de Ca^illo. The Fathers Strove to secure their free- 
dom, but for a long time their eflForts were fruitless, 
since they lacked the wherewithal to make rich 



presents; for where avarice and disloyalty reign, 
nothing can be obtained except by money. The King, 
however, sent them four hundred xerafins for the pur- 
chase of clothing, and consented, at the instance of the 
Fathers, to grant the two captains an audience. A 
substantial donation was also received from the Prince, 
the eldest son of the King, who, so soon as he heard 
of the misery of these poor people, sent the Fathers a 
thousand crowns to relieve their necessities. Eventu- 
ally, having been detained for more than a year, they 
were set at liberty. This they owed to the intercession 
of the Fathers in their behalf, as was ^ated in the letter 
which the King gave them when they were released, 
in which he wrote that he sent them back free men to 
please the Fathers. In consequence, these good Por- 
tuguese and the two captains in particular, knew not 
how to praise God sufficiently for His mercies, or how 
to thank the Fathers for their charity, without which 
they would one and all have died in captivity. 


Prince Salim 

Throughout almo^ the whole of the year 1 602 there 
was serious discord between the King and the Prince, 
his son and heir to his elates, of which the cause was 
this* The King being at the war in the Decan, the 
Prince, impatient to take the reins of government into 
his hands, and chafing at the long life of his father, 
which kept him from the enjoyment of the dignities 
he so much desired, resolved to usurp the same, and 
on his own authority began to assume the name and 
to exercise the prerogatives of a king. On learning 
this, Echebar at once abandoned his projeft of con- 
quering in person the kingdoms of the Decan, and 
leaving, as has been said, some of his captains to carry 
on the war, returned to Agra, whither he summoned 
his son to appear before him. The latter was un- 
willing to obey the summons; and it was not until 
message after message had reached him as he moved 
from place to place, that he resolved to go to meet his 
father ; but this he did with a large army at his back, 
bringing under subjedion all the country through 
which he passed.^ 

Learning that he was approaching in such array, and 
with so powerful a force, his father's suspicions were 
aroused, and fearing that his son's designs were evil, 



he assembled his great captains and men-at-arms, and 
made preparations for war. At the same time, he sent 
many messages to his son, in some of which he 
attempted to soothe him with kind words, while in 
others he used threats to intimidate him. Alarmed at 
these messages, and yet more by his father^s warlike 
preparations, the Prince thought better of his inten- 
tions, and returned to Alahabech [Allahabad] whence 
he had set out, and where he had eftablished his court, 
itill continuing, however, to use every means of fur- 
thering his designs. 

It was at this junfture that the King summoned to 
Agra an eminent and very a^lute captain, who was then 
in the neighbourhood of his son, and in whom, by 
reason of his prudence and courage, he had great 
confidence. On becoming aware of this, the Prince, 
knowing how valuable the advice of this captain 
would be to the King, caused him to be followed on 
his march by certain people in his pay, who assassinated 
him, and carried his head to the Prince.^ This greatly 
enraged the King, and filled the whole court with 
con^ernation. Nevertheless, after repeated negotia- 
tions, a reconciliation between father and son was 
brought about, though they continued to live apart, 
and to hold separate courts. 

The Prince exhibited far greater regard for the 
Fathers, and the Chri^ian religion, than the King. 
He had already secretly opened his heart to Father 
Xauier, and had given such proofs of his devotion to 
our Saviour and His thrice-holy Mother, as to justify 
the hope that God would one day work in him a great 



miracle. He direfted a servant of his household, whom 
he was sending to Goa on business, to go to the Father 
Provincial of the Company, and ask him to allow some 
Fathers to come to him and reside at his court in the 
same manner as those who were with his father. The 
requeft was accompanied by a present consi^ing of 
three handsome and coolly carpets, and some smaller 
articles of less value. The Provincial, however, did 
not think it prudent to send Fathers to him at that 
time, in as much as he was in revolt again^ his father, 
to whom he (the Provincial) was much indebted ; but 
to please him as far as possible, he sent him a letter in 
which he wrote that the Fathers who were in those 
parts would serve him as willingly as they served the 

The Prince was as intimate with the Fathers at the 
King's court as though they had been at his own. He 
used to write letters to them in his own hand, and in 
such terms that any one seeing them might have 
supposed them to be the letters of a Christian prince 
to his confessor. He used to subscribe them, as we 
do, with a cross. In one of his letters to Father Xauier, 
he reproached the Father for sending him no news of 
himself, and with it he sent him a short black cloak. 
He was well aware, he wrote, that to such men as the 
Fathers, the moSt acceptable gifts were love and 
affeftion of the heart, and it was as a token of these 
sentiments that he sent this cloak, which he had more 
than once worn himself. Now since, at this time, the 
Prince was setting the King's authority at defiance, 
and, in consequence, anyone at the court who was in 



correspondence with him was held to be suspeft, the 
Fathers, on receiving the letter and cloak, took them 
at once to his Maje^ly, and told him what the Prince 
had written. The King took up the cloak and looked 
at it, then handed it back to the Father. The courtiers, 
who saw the letter, and recognised the Princess hand- 
writing, were much astonished, regarding it as a sign 
of great favour. Father Xauier replied to it in Portu- 
guese, so that it might not be underwood by the 
Saracens ; for they knew that the Prince had a certain 
Italian at his court, who could read it to him. This 
was one, lacques Philippe, who had come from Goa 
with the Fathers. The latter had sent him to the 
Prince, who kept him in close attendance, and showed 
him much favour. It was through him that the 
Fathers had received the Prince's letters, and the 
Prince theirs. 

At the time when he was marching with his army 
to meet his father at Agra, the Prince inftrufted the 
Italian, who had obtained his permission to go on 
before him to the city, to visit the Fathers on his 
behalf, and to present to them, with every expression 
of his regard, certain gifts which he was sending to 
them. He also bade him assure Father Xauier that 
he had not forgotten him, and that he was in no way 
changed from what he had before been (words which 
both understood) ; that he had a great love for Jesus- 
ChriSl, and that he begged the Fathers to remember 
him in their orisons ; and finally that he greatly desired 
to have one of them with him, and that if they did 
not dare to come to him without his father's permis- 



sion, he would himself obtain it for them; to which 
they replied that in this way and in no other could 
they come to him. 

One evening, while in conversation with the said 
lacques Philippe, the Prince, observing that one of 
his servants was dressed as a Chri^ian, called him up 
and asked him whether he was free or a slave, a 
Christian or a Saracen. The young man replied that 
he was a native of a free country, a Christian, and the 
servant of laques Philippe. The Prince then inquired 
why he had become a Chri^lian ; was it by compulsion, 
or because he had been paid for it? ** Not so, Mon- 
seigneur," replied the other. It was of my own free 
will that I embraced this law, because of the great 
satisfaftion I found in it, and because there is no other 
by which a man can be saved. I was also influenced 
by the holy lives of the Fathers, whom I served for 
many years, before they came to the Decan to find the 
King/* He was next asked if he knew the Christian 
prayers, and how to make the sign of the Cross. " Yes, 
Monseigneur," he said, " I know all these things." 
And on being told to say some of the prayers, he made 
the sign of the Cross, and repeated the Paterno^er, 
the Ave Maria, and the Credo. When he had finished, 
the Prince said, " You have done well to embrace so 
good a law.'' Then, ^ill addressing the Italian,, he 
added these words : " I have a very great aflFedtion for 
the Lord Jesus and to show that these were not 
mere words, but that he spoke from his heart, he drew 
aside his robe, and showed him a cross of gold, which 
it was his habit to wear suspended from his neck. 



In another letter to Father Xauier, written by his 
own hand, the Prince, after many expressions of 
respeft and goodwill, declared that he was in the same 
frame of mind as when he had spoken at Lahor of 
becoming a Chri^ian; and in proof of this, he sent 
for the church an image en hosse of the infant Jesus ; 
it was of silver, well made and massive, weighing twenty- 
seven marcs^ For the Father himself, he sent a small 
ornament made in the form of a reliquary attached to 
a golden chain, and having on one side of it the image 
of our Saviour in enamel, and on the other side that 
of our Lady ; this, he wrote, he had worn on his breaft, 
or rather on his heart. Once, when he was with his 
captains, he asked them on whom they would call for 
aid if they found themselves in great danger. Some 
answered in one way, and some in another. "As for 
myself," the Prince said, " I should call on none other 
but the Lord Jesus ; for it is He alone who can succour 
us in all our perils and adversities." 

Now after the Prince and the King his father had 
been estranged for a long time, each holding his court 
in a separate town, and each ftyling himself king (for 
the Prince so ^lyled himself, though he called his 
father the great King), they were at la^ reconciled in 
the following manner. 

The King, in great indignation with his son for 
assuming the title and ^yle of a sovereign during his 
own lifetime, ordered him to his presence. But the 
Prince, fearing that his father would deprive him of 
his royalty, if not of his life, and put his grandson (that 
is, the Prince's son) in his place, for it was rumoured 



that such was his intention, turned a deaf ear to the 
summons ; and learning that his father had assembled 
a large army, and was marching again^l him, he pro- 
ceeded to surround himself with a no less powerful 
force ; for many had adopted his cause, preferring, as 
men are wont to do, to worship the rising, rather than 
the setting sun. The mother of the King, who was 
ninety years of age,^ was sorely distressed at this dis- 
cord. She was devoted to the young Prince; and 
fearing that he would be vanquished in an encounter 
with a veteran warrior like the King, she tried her 
utmost to turn the latter from his purpose. But her 
efforts were of no avail ; and on this account, so heavy 
was her sorrow that she became dangerously ill. The 
King was already on the march ; but being informed 
of his mother's condition, and desiring to show her 
obedience, he retraced his ^eps, and went to visit her.® 
By the time he arrived she had become worse, and a 
few days later she died. In a single day and a night, 
her body was taken to a place forty leagues away, 
where it was laid in the tomb of her husband. As a 
sign of mourning, the King shaved his head, his beard, 
and his eyebrows,' and put on a dress of a blue coloxir, 
for such, in this country, is the custom when mourning 
the dead. His example was followed by the whole 
court, but only for a period of three days, at the 
expiry of which both the King and his courtiers 
attired themselves as usual. The Queen-mother left 
in the house where she died a large ^ore of wealth, 
and a will directing that the same should be distri- 
buted amongSl her sons and grandsons. The King, 



however, chose to keep the whole of this treasure 
for himself. 

After this, negotiations were renewed, and the King 
sent so many agents, letters, and messages to the 
Prince, that the latter was induced to approach his 
father, unaccompanied by a military force. The King 
received him in a certain gallery at Agra with many 
signs of afFedlion; then drawing him apart, he con- 
duced him to a separate lodging where he confined 
him, treating him very leniently^ ; but three days after- 
wards he set him at liberty, and provided him with a 
house and retinue. In short, he behaved towards him, 
at this time, as though there had never been any differ- 
ences between them. The Prince contented himself 
with the kingdom of Cambaya or Guzarate, which his 
father made over to him, until, little more than two 
months later, he found himself King of the entire 
realm; for the death of his father, which he had so 
much desired, placed it in his hands, as we shall 
narrate, after recording certain events which happened 
previously, and after referring again to the signs which 
the Prince at this time displayed of his devotion to the 
faith of our Saviour. 

A Chri^ian Armenian had, through the influence 
of the Fathers, placed his son in the service of the 
Prince, who gave him the charge of three horses. One 
day, the Prince asked his soldier what law he followed ; 
whereon the other, thinking to please him, said that 
he was a Saracen. On receiving this reply, the Prince, 
who knew that he was a Christian, was so indignant 
that he dismissed him there and then from his service, 



to which he was never again admitted. He afterwards 
said that he had been on the point of ordering the 
man's tongue to be cut out because, seeking to gain 
favour by saying that he was a Saracen, he had denied 
his faith* 

While residing at Agra after his reconciliation with 
the King, the Prince showed the Fathers, with whom 
he was on very intimate terms, many proofs of his 
devotion to our Saviour and His holy Mother, whose 
images he held in the highe^ veneration. Indeed, the 
Fathers could make him no more acceptable present 
than a well-executed representation of either ; though 
he employed the moSt skilled painters and craftsmen 
in his father's kingdom in making him the like. He 
also had engraved on an emerald, the size of a man's 
thumb, the image of our Saviour crucified, and this he 
was in the habit of carrying about with him, attached 
to a gold chain. 

One day. Father Xauier presented him with a book 
containing the life of our Saviour Jesus-Chri^t, which 
he had composed himself, and translated into the 
Persian tongue, and to which the King had given the 
title. The Mirror of Purity.^ The Prince read it from 
beginning to end, whereby his love for our Saviour 
was greatly increased. He also had painted in a book 
pidbires illustrating the mysteries of His life, death, 
and passion ; and because at the beginning of the book 
there was a cross illuminated in gold with the super- 
scription, Sicut escaltatiit Moyses serpentum in desertOy 
he ordered the arti^ to paint thereon the figure of 
Jesus-Chri^ crucified ; and on another page on which 



G)pied from an Italian picture by one of Prince Salim's pamtors 

{face p, 190 


was the name Jesus, encircled with rays, he had painted 
in the midft a pidhire of our Lady and her infant Son 
with His arms about her neck. 

La^ly, seeing that there was no church at Agra, as 
there was at Lahor, in which divine service could be 
held, he conceived the desire to build one as his father 
had done in the latter city. He, accordingly, asked 
his Majefty to permit a church to be built, and to 
grant a site for the same; and on his reque^s being 
granted, he gave a thousand crowns for the commence- 
ment of the work. But enough of the Prince. Let 
us now turn to other happenings which preceded the 
death of the King. 



Persecution of the Fathers 

Although the work of spreading Chri^lianity seems 
to make little progress in this land of the Mogor, 
where Mahometanism and Paganism are so Wrongly 
established, nevertheless, through the few Christians 
dwelling there, our Saviour is often glorified, both by 
the constancy with which they hold to their faith, and 
by their earneSl devotion, which is seen not only 
amongSl the older Christians at Labor, but amongSt 
those more recently converted at Agra; for in both 
these places there are churches, and a goodly number 
of Christians, whose devotion is being Stimulated by 
every means possible. Moreover, the infidels are often 
deeply impressed when they see the adornment of our 
churches, and the veStments which are used at the 
divine services ; for, by these outward demonstrations, 
our faith gains much credit amongSt these people, who, 
notwithstanding that they are infidels, frequently, and 
of their own accord, come to the church, bringing with 
them offerings, sometimes for our Saviour, and some- 
times for his glorious Mother, to whom, in their need, 
they have recourse as their advocate with God, that, 
through her intercession, their prayers may be heard. 

AmongSt others, the wife of the Viceroy of Labor, 
a very high-born lady, but of the seft of the Saracens, 



came to salute the Lady Mary (for thus they call our 
Lady), to whom she made a rich offering, and with 
great devotion vowed to come again to pay her homage, 
if she would reclaim for her one of her sons, who was 
leading a life of debauchery.^ Another great lady, 
having heard of the miracles that God had worked at 
the intercession of the Virgin, became her devotee, and 
vowed that she would go to the church to salute her 
image, and would make her an offering, if she would 
obtain for her from God a son, which was the desire 
of her heart. Our Lady heard her prayer, and she was 
blessed with a son. When the child was born, she 
came with it to the church in fulfilment of her vow, 
and with her heart overflowing with gratitude to the 
glorious Virgin for the blessing she had received. 

A Saracen, a man of note, and one of the chief 
officers of the Prince, approached the Father one day 
when he was at the palace, and said, ** I am greatly 
beholden to the Lord Jesus because He has granted 
me the boon I craved of Him, namely, a son, which I 
have long been desiring. Having made my supplica- 
tion to Him, it seemed to me that one night I saw Him 
in a dream. His face was shining and wonderful, and 
in His hand He had an apple, which He divided, and 
gave a portion to me to eat; then suddenly He van- 
ished. I thought that this was a good omen, and that 
my petition had been heard. And so it was; for, 
twenty or thirty days afterwards, my wife became 
pregnant. I, for my part, do not doubt that the Lord 
Jesus has given us this child ; and as soon as it is born, 
I shall take it and offer it to Him for His own." When 




the child was born, he came to tell the Father, and 
asked him what he should do with it. The Father 
answered that he should bring it to the church, and 
present it to Him whose gift it was ; and this he did 
very willingly. The Father, however, did not think it 
desirable to baptise the child at once, being uncertain 
whether, left to the care of its father and mother, it 
would persevere in the faith* 

Among^ those who were baptised was a certain 
learned Saracen, who was a captain, and physician to 
the Prince. After many discussions with the Fathers, 
he finally agreed to li^en, without speaking, to the 
explanation of the my^eries of our faith. Of these he 
acquired so good an understanding (even of those that 
are hardest to believe), that he determined to accept 
the whole Christian law, and to be baptised forthwith. 
He begged the Fathers, however, to keep his conver- 
sion a secret; for he was about to go to his country 
to see his relatives, who ruled there ; and that he might 
the more easily lead them to our Saviour, he thought 
it better not to declare himself to them until he had 
prepared their minds for knowledge of the truth. The 
Fathers yielded to his wish, and also gave him advice 
how to proceed in the task he had set himself. At his 
baptism he was given the name, Paul, with which he 
was well pleased. The next day, he brought to the 
Fathers one of his intimate friends, to whom he had 
disclosed the precious jewel of the faith, urging him 
to accept it and be baptised. His friend, who com- 
manded a hundred horse, after converse with the 
Fathers, in which he showed a clear comprehension of 



all that was told him of our law^ asked that he too might 
be baptised; but this was deferred till he had ridded 
himself of his four wives. 

Meanwhile, though the Fathers were so beloved by 
the King and by the Prince (as has already been said), 
yet they did not escape either opposition or persecu- 
tion; while at times it seemed that they might even 
be called upon to endure martyrdom, as the following 
shows. A Saracen of high position and authority, a 
native of the kingdom of Husbech, and grandson of 
Abdulaxa,^ governor of the kingdom, which had for- 
merly belonged to the great Tamburlan, came one day 
to the church. At the time of his visit, the Father was 
speaking of the myfteries of our faith, and, among^l 
other things, said that our Saviour was the true Son of 
God. On hearing these words, which always rouse the 
Mahometans to fury, one of the Saracen's retainers 
sprang to his feet, and drawing his sword, was twice 
in the aft of cutting off the Father's head, when he 
was restrained by those who were near him. 

On another occasion, the Viceroy of Lahor,* who 
had hitherto shown himself to be the friend and pro- 
teftor of the Fathers and, outwardly at any rate, of the 
Christian religion, asked them how they regarded 
Jesus-Chri^. They replied that they believed Him to 
be, beyond all queftion of doubt, the true Son of God. 
The Viceroy, hearing this, sought to prevent them 
from pursuing the subjeft, by speaking of other things ; 
but they continued to reiterate their Statement, con- 
firming it with weighty arguments. He then gave 
them to understand that, unless they desiSled, he 



would have their heads cut off ; to which the Fathers 
replied that if such were his will, they would gladly 
offer him their heads; for it was their intention to 
confess their faith not only before him, but before all 
the world, and that if they had a thousand lives, they 
were ready to sacrifice them all in doing so. Now this 
Viceroy was an extremely ardent supporter of the law 
of Mahomet, on which he considered himself a greater 
authority than any man then living, or who had lived 
before him, a claim which, by way of flattery, or to 
gain his favour, was admitted by many learned men, 
including even the Caziques. Hence, the freedom 
and boldness with which the Fathers encountered him, 
confessing and clearly establishing the divinity of 
Jesus-Chrift, threw him into so furious a passion that 
he heaped a thousand abuses upon them, calling them 
vagabonds, and seducers, who roamed about the world 
to cheat mankind. Finally he warned them to keep 
to their own house, where they were welcome to ex- 
pound their doftrines to any who were sufficiently 
depraved to seek them out; but he bade them take 
good care never again to speak ill of Mahomet in his 
presence. The Fathers answered that not only in their 
house with closed doors, but in the centre of the city, 
in its Streets and open places, nay, on every side, far 
and near, would they preach the truth of the Christian 
law, for it was for that purpose that they had been sent 
there. To this the Viceroy had nothing to reply, know- 
ing full well that the Fathers had the King's leave to 
preach the faith of Jesus-ChriSl, and to baptise all who 
desired to embrace it. He, therefore, altered his de- 



meanour, and spoke to them with more coiirtesy.^ 
But so Wrongly was he attached to his Mahomet, that 
it was not long before he manifested anew the ill-will 
he bore them. The occasion was as follows. 

Certain Gentiles, who were bitterly ho^ile to the 
Chriftian religion and to the Fathers who preached it, 
desiring to find some means of driving the latter out 
of the country, and knowing that the Viceroy had a 
grudge againft them in his heart, resolved, after taking 
counsel together on the subject, to secure his alliance 
and co-operation. They, accordingly, entertained him, 
in the house of one of their number, who happened to 
^and high in his favour, at a sumptuous banquet, at 
which, after making him a rich present, they placed in 
his hands a scandalous indidfanent of the Fathers, in 
which some of the leail crimes imputed to them were 
that they ate human flesh, Stole children and sent them 
to be sold in Portuguese countries, committed murders, 
and used spells to make people abandon their law and 
embrace Chriftianity. This laSl they had done (so 
they said) in the case of a certain Gentile whom they 
named, and also in the case of many Saracens, the 
latter being specially mentioned to kindle the indigna- 
tion of the Viceroy, and increase his resentment againft 
the Fathers. Finally, they begged him to sell them a 
large house which the King had given to the Fathers, 
and in which a number of Chri^ians were lodged, 
offering him for the same a large sum of money, and 
other valuable things. 

Impelled by these accusations, and ^ill more by the 
animosity which he already harboured againft the 



Fathers, the Viceroy determined to put into execution 
the schemes he had long been meditating* He, accord- 
ingly, ordered the Fathers to vacate their house ; and 
when they produced papers to show that it had been 
given to them by the King, he merely repeated his 
order, which, they were told, was to be complied with 
within five days. Seeing him behave in this manner, 
the Fathers vacated the house even before the date 
fixed, informing him that they had no desire to con- 
tend with him for the things of this world, but only 
for the things of heaven, should he seek to deprive 
them of these, or for the law of God which they had 
come to proclaim. 

The Gentiles, thinking that viftory was within their 
grasp, and eager to follow up their advantage, were 
already devising plans for the banishment of the 
Fathers, and for forcing the Chri^ians to renounce 
their faith. The Viceroy encouraged their hopes ; but 
as he delayed from day to day taking any further ^leps, 
the Gentiles, in order to bring pressure to bear upon 
him, prepared for him another great feaft, close to the 
church and the house of the Fathers, presenting to 
him, on this occasion, a large sum of money, some 
horses, and other coftly gifts, all which things he 
readily accepted. 

The plan devised by the Viceroy for making the 
Chri^ians renounce their faith was to seize their wives 
and young children. Of this, the Fathers received 
warning from the Catual, who had always been a 
friend to them. He advised them to conceal the small 
children, and those who were weak, in certain houses 



of his own, which he offered secretly to place at their 
disposal; and this the Fathers did, as soon as they 
knew the day on which the Viceroy was expefted. 

On this occasion, the older Chri^ians displayed 
great courage. All were eager to enter the field of 
battle again^l the enemies of the faith which they had 
adopted, and to show their loyalty to the same, and 
how they were ready and eager to die in its defence. 
The catechumens were equally ^eadfa^l. One of them, 
a young man, fell in with and was seized by some 
Gentiles who, because he intended to become a Chris- 
tian, threatened to take him before the Viceroy. The 
catechumen said very calmly, " I am content to go 
before the Viceroy; for I have nothing to fear from 
him; nor can he hinder me from adopting the faith 
that pleases me ; because that is according to the law 
which the King has made, and which he intends shall 
be observed in his realm." Seeing him thus deter- 
mined, the Gentiles let him go ; for, as many of them 
had written to their friends and relatives, they ex- 
pefted soon to see every Chri^ian expelled from the 

But God, who never neglefts the needs of His 
faithful servants, confounded the designs of the 
Viceroy and the Gentiles, and turned -their joy to 
lamentation. On the very day they had appointed for 
their raid on the Christians (which was the 15th of 
September in the year 1605^), the son of the Viceroy, 
who had been sent on a campaign by his father, entered 
the town, a solitary fugitive, having been defeated in 
battle, with the loss of four hundred horse and a great 



umber of infantry^ The Gentiles, to their great 
lortification, saw all the schemes they had devised 
^ainft the Christians fall to pieces ; for the Viceroy 
^as now too much occupied with his own disordered 
fairs to think about the ruin of the Fathers. With- 
at delay, he set out to coUeft his scattered soldiers, 
ho were wandering here and there like sheep without 
shepherd, and at the mercy of the enemy. 
Thus were the Chriftians of Lahor delivered from 
le snares of the Gentiles and Saracens, and other 
lemies of their faith, and suffered once more to live 
leir lives in tranquillity. It only remained to recover 
le houses of which they had been deprived. To this 
ad the Fathers at Lahor wrote to those at Agra, where 
le court was then located, telling them all that had 
assed. With the help of the Prince, letters-patent, 
ich as the Fathers desired, were obtained from the 
ing. These were in the form of an edift, and were 
anded to the Viceroy with the seal and approbation 
f the Prince (a very unusual procedure^). The 
iceroy, having read them over two or three times, 
fted his eyes from the paper, and fixed them on the 
athers, appearing greatly aftonished at the course 
ley had taken, and to find that they had so much 
•edit at court ; and, after again reading the letters, he 
ave orders that their houses, and all else that had been 
iken from them and the Chri^ians, should at once be 

It was not long before divine justice overtook the 
iceroy, and others who had instigated this persecu- 
□n. The former suffered more than the defeat of his 



army, which his son had commanded ; for soon after- 
wards the enemy captured one of the King's cities, 
which was in the di^brift of which he had charge, 
pillaging it, and laying it in ruins. He then heard that 
the Prince was coming to punish him, and that he was 
to be put to death.® At fir^ he prepared for resistance, 
and placed the city of Lahor in a ftate of defence. 
Then he had misgivings, and began to di^tru^ every- 
one, even his own people, fearing that they would 
deliver him into the hands of the Prince. At the same 
time he received repeated summonses from the King 
to appear before him, which reduced him to such a 
Slate of perplexity that he knew not what to do. At 
length, seeing no other remedy, he ventured into the 
presence of the King, with the fear of death before his 
eyes. Though he escaped with his life, he suffered 
innumerable indignities, notwithSlanding the immense 
presents he made to the King. 

As for the Gentiles, who were at the bottom of all 
the mischief, one of them was soon afterwards im- 
prisoned by the new Viceroy; moreover, having 
attempted to resist juSlice, he was wounded, and 
dragged a long distance along the road by the hair of 
his head. While in prison he was flogged many times, 
and, in addition, was made to pull down a fine house 
he had built on a piece of land which, with the con- 
nivance of the late Viceroy, he had taken from some 
poor folk, to whom he was now forced to reSlore it. 
Another loSl his only son, whose body was eaten by 
dogs. A third was taken and condemned for theft. 
The ringleader and organizer of the plot did not 


escape. He had been drawing a large pension from 
the King, and had made the Viceroy a present of more 
than fifty thousand rupees, worth twenty thousand 
crowns of our money. When the said Viceroy went 
away, the King took from him his pension, and gave 
it to another. Deprived of his income, the miserable 
fellow went to the son of this Viceroy, to whom he 
had presented so large a sum, and begged him to 
return at lea^ a portion of it ; but for answer he re- 
ceived only blows. During his absence, his son and 
brother were seized and thrown into prison, where 
they were so closely immured that it was only after 
giving large presents to the guards that he was per- 
mitted to convey food to them. They were confined, 
and subjefted to much ill-usage, until they had paid 
the whole sum which the other owed to the King. 
That was how these unhappy wretches were rewarded 
for persecuting the Chri^ians. Let us now speak of 
the death of the King. 



The Death of Akbar 

The death of this great and powerful monarch took 
place on the 27th of Oftober,^ in the year 1605'. He 
died as he had lived ; for, as none knew what law he 
followed in his lifetime, so none knew that in which 
he died. This was the juSt judgement of God ; for 
when he had the means of learning and recognising 
the truth, he refused to make use of them. Hence he 
was unworthy of God's grace; so that, at this hour, 
none was at hand to take the bandage of unbelief from 
his eyes, or to offer him the means of dying in the law 
of Jesus-Chri^l, the holiness of which he had so often 
admitted and extolled. 

The Fathers, who had full information of the King's 
sickness, went on a Saturday to see him, in the hope 
that he would hear the words which, after long thought, 
and having commended the matter to God, they had 
prepared for this hour. But they found him amongft 
his captains, and in so cheerful and merry a mood, that 
they deemed the time unsuitable for speaking to him 
of the end of his life, and decided to await another 
opportunity. They came away fully persuaded that he 
was making good progress, and that rumour, as ordi- 
narily happens when kings are sick, had exaggerated 
the seriousness of his malady. On the Monday follow- 
ing, however, it was reported on all sides that the 



poison which had been admini^ered was taking ejfFeft, 
and that his Majefty was dying. On hearing this, the 
Fathers went to the palace ; but they could find no one 
who would make their arrival known to the King, or 
dare to speak to him of them ; for already such matters 
were more in the hands of the great nobles than of the 
King himself ; and hence, every means by which the 
Fathers tried to gain entrance was inefFedhial.^ 

Up to this time, the Prince had not ventured to 
appear before his father. Some said that this was 
because his father suspefted him of having given him 
the poison. Others said the Prince feared to come to 
the palace left the great nobles should seize him, and, 
taking the kingdom from him, give it to his son, to 
whom the King had shown himself well inclined. 
Such fears and forebodings did, in faft, weigh heavily 
upon him, so that one night he seemed like a fugitive, 
not knowing whom he could truft. Soon, however, as 
groups of the common people joined him, he regained 
his courage ; while the nobles, after turning the matter 
over in their minds, judged it better that the kingdom 
should be given to him to whom by right it belonged. 
Accordingly, the leading noble,* having been sent by 
the others as their representative, came to the Prince 
and promised, in all their names, to place the kingdom 
in his hands, provided that he would swear to defend 
the law of Mahomet, and to do no ill or offence either 
to his son, to whom the King wished to leave the 
kingdom, or to those who had sought to secure his 
son's succession. All these conditions he swore to 
fulfil, and, accompanied by a ftrong guard, went to 
see his father. The latter had already loft the power 



Shortly after his Accession 

[face p 204 


of speech, but retained sufficient consciousness to 
direft his son by signs to place the royal toque on his 
head ; then, indicating his sword, which lay at the foot 
of his bed, he signified in a like manner that he should 
gird it on. The Prince made the iorda^^ that is, the 
adoration, touching the ground with his head, then 
rising, after which the King signed to him with his 
hand to withdraw. This he did with alacrity, and 
assured of his kingdom, returned to his quarters, 
followed by the acclamations of the people. Mean- 
while, the King suffered the la^ agonies attended only 
by a few of his moft faithful retainers, who remained 
con^antly near him. They sought to put him in mind 
of their Mahomet; but he made no sign of assent; 
only it seemed that, from time to time, he tried to 
utter the name of God.^ 

Thus died Echebar, or Aquebar, but now the terror 
of the Ea^l. And indeed he was a great King ; for he 
knew that the good ruler is he who can command, 
simultaneously, the obedience, the respeft, the love, 
and the fear of his subjedls. He was a prince beloved 
of all, firm with the great, kind to those of low e^ate, 
and juil to all men, high and low^ neighboiir or 
Granger, Christian, Saracen, or Gentile ; so that every 
man believed that the King was on his side. He lived 
in the fear of God, to whom he never failed to pray 
four times daily, at sunrise, at sunset, at midday, and 
at midnight, and, despite his many duties, his prayers 
on these four occasions, which were of considerable 
duration, were never curtailed. Towards his fellow- 
men he was kind and forbearing, averse from taking 
life, and quick to show mercy. Hence it was that he 



decreed that if he condemned any one to death, the 
sentence was not to be carried into efFeft until the 
receipt of his third order. He was always glad to 
pardon an offender if ju^l grounds for doing so could 
be shown, 

Amongil his great nobles he was so predominant 
that none dared lift his head too high ; but with the 
humbler classes he was benevolent and debonair, 
willingly giving them audience and hearing their 
petitions. He was pleased to accept their presents, 
taking them into his hands and holding them to his 
breaft (which he never did with the rich gifts brought 
to him by his nobles), though often with prudent dis- 
simulation he pretended not to see them. At one time 
he would be deeply emersed in ^tate affairs, or giving 
audience to his subjects, and the next moment he 
would be seen shearing camels, hewing ^ones, cutting 
wood, or hammering iron, and doing all with as much 
diligence as though engaged in his own particular 
vocation. He ate sparingly, taking flesh only during 
three or four months of the year, his diet at other 
times consisting of milk, rice, and sweetmeats.' With 
great difficulty he spared three hours of the night for 
sleep. Twice at leaft in each day he gave audience to 
his subjedls, showing himself at a window, from which 
he listened to all who sought speech with him. He 
had a wonderful memory. He knew the names of all 
his elephants, though he had many thousands of them, 
of his pigeons, his deer, and the other wild animals 
which he kept in his parks, and of all his horses to 
which names had been given. Each day, a certain 
number of these animals were brought before him for 



his inspeftion. He watched these from his window; 
and as each animal passed him, its name and that of 
the person responsible for feeding it was read out to 
him. He noticed if it had grown fat, or become thin, 
and increased or decreased the salary of its keeper 
accordingly. Though he could neither read nor write, 
he knew everything that took place in his kingdom; 
for from every quarter his captains wrote to him 
monthly, informing him of anything new they had 
seen or heard of. These letters were read to him after 
he had finished his other business, or before he retired 
to sleep. After the lights had been lit, he used to sit 
in a great hall, surrounded by numerous people whose 
duty it was to read books to him, or narrate Tories. 
Here, too, he received strangers, who came for the 
fir^ time to his coxzrt, queftioning them concerning 
their King or Prince, the nature of their country, 
cuftoms, trade, and similar matters, and remembering 
all that they told him. Amongft other books which 
he had read to him was the life of our Saviour, which 
Father Xauier had composed in Persian; for he had 
a great admiration for Jesus-Chrift, of whom he always 
spoke with reverence, and whose images he treated 
with profound respeft. But he would sometimes say 
that he believed our Saviour performed His miracles, 
giving sight to the blind, raising the dead, &c,, by 
human means, since He was a great and wonderful 
physician. This idea was put into his mind by the 

Echebar was one of the mo^l fortunate monarchs of 
his time. Everything came to him that he wished for. 
He greatly extended the territories which his father 



had bequeathed to him; for he conquered the new 
kingdoms of Caxemir, Sinde, Guzarate, Xischande,^ 
a great part of the Decan, and the whole of the country 
of Bengala. Scarcely ever did he engage in an enter- 
prise which he did not bring to a successful con- 
clusion ; so that " as fortunate as Echebar " became 
a common saying throughout the Ea^. But he missed 
the greater thing of all: the knowledge of the true 
God and His only Son Jesus-Chri^t, who came to save 
mankind ; so that, in spite of all his worldly prosperity, 
he was unable to escape everla^ling torment. 

He was some sixty-three years old when he died, 
having reigned for about fifty years.^** When all was 
over, his son and successor arrived, and the body was 
at once wrapped in a winding-sheet. Some wished to 
pray for him in the Saracen manner; others did not 
dare to ; and in the end neither Saracens, nor Gentiles, 
nor Christians would claim him as theirs, so that he 
had the prayers of none. His body, having been 
placed on a bier, was carried on the shoulders of the 
King and his son without the fortress in which he 
died, a new exit having been made, as is the cuftom, 
by breaking down a portion of the wall. It was then 
conveyed to a garden about a league away, where it 
was buried. Of the small company that followed, a 
few only wore mourning; for neither the King nor 
his courtiers were in mourning dress, but only his son 
and some of those with him, who wore it for that 
evening alone. Thus does the world treat those from 
whom no good is to be hoped, nor evil feared.^^ 

So ended the life and reign of King Achebar. 




Akbar, the Great Mogul 

(N.B. TKe major portion of this chapter has already appeared in 
my Scenes and Characters from Indian History (Oxford Univ. Press, 
1925). My thanks are due to the Publishers for permission to 
reproduce it.) 

^ Du Jarric's description of the emperor Akbar and his court is 
derived almost exclusively from Battista Peruschi's Informatione del 
Regno e Stato del gran Re di Mogor; and Peruschi's description is, in 
its turn, a reproduction, practically tn exiensOy of that given by Father 
Anthony Monserrate in his Relagam do Equebar^ Ret dos Mogores, The 
latter work, which has served as the basis of all subsequent accounts 
of the person and court of Akbar, was written at Goa after the author's 
return from the first Mission to the Mogul court, and was com- 
pleted on the 26th November, 1582. Monserrate acted as historian 
of the first Mission, and the Relagam is a compilation from his daily 
notes. Its contents were subsequently incorporated in his larger work, 
entitled Mongohca Legationts Commentarius, The complete Portu- 
guese text of the Relagam, together with an English translation and 
many valuable notes by the Rev, Father Hosten, S.J., is contained in 
the Journal and Proceedings of the A S.B, for 191 2. 

The fact that du Jarric studiously reproduces Peruschi's misspellings 
of proper names is, as Father Hosten observes, a sufficient proof that 
he took his account from the Informatione, and not from the Relagam 
itself. It is, I think, equally clear from his statement (see p. 1 5) that 
he was unable to discover the name of the priest who visited Akbar's 
court in 1578, that he never saw a complete copy of either work; 
for, in both, the name of the priest in question is clearly stated. It 
follows, therefore, either that du Jarric used a mutilated copy of the 
Informatione, which would explain his inaccurate description of the 
Indian rivers (p. 5), or that he depended on extracts only, which 
may not have been made with scrupulous accuracy. 

The original Italian edition of the Informatione was published in 
1597 at Rome, and also at Brescia. A French translation was pub- 

P 209 


lished at Paris in the same year, and German and Latin translations 
followed at Maintz in 1 598. There are copies of the Italian (Brescia) 
and Latin editions in the library of the British Museum. The same 
hbrary has a copy of John Hay of Dalgetty's collection of Jesuit 
writings, in which Peruschi's work is included. My references are 
to the Brescia edition, 

Peruschi's account of Akbar is briefly summarised by Guzman 
(Htstorta, Bk. Ill, chs. xxvi and xxvii). Count von Noer had a copy 
of the Relagam itself, though he was unaware of the author's identity, 
and made considerable use of it in his account of the Kabul campaign 
of 1581 (see The Emferor Akbar, tr. Mrs. Beveridge, Bk. II, ch. i). 

The remaining portion of the Informatione (utilised by du Jarric in 
the two succeeding chapters) contains an account of the first Mission, 
based on other letters written in 1582. This is followed by three 
letters relating to the third Mission, which will be noticed later. 
Peruschi makes no reference to the second Mission beyond stating 
that certain Fathers were sent to Akbar's court in 1591, and that they 
returned to Goa with their object unattained. 

2 * Mogor,' a corruption of the Persian mughal, was the name given 
by the Portuguese not only to the Great Mogul himself, but also to 
his dominions. The word ' India ' they used to designate only their 
own possessions on the West Coast. The latter word was used in a 
similarly restricted sense by other European nations who possessed 
settlements in the East, including the English. 

^ Bajazed's cage has long since been relegated to the realm of myths. 
Catrou refers to the story as " an ornament I would not deprive my 
history of, did I believe it sufficiently warranted : but besides that the 
best historians make no mention of it, the silence of the Mogul 
Chronicle in that particular makes me think that the cage was an 
agreeable fiction invented by the Greeks, inveterate enemies of Bajazet. 
They took a pleasure it seems in representing the confinement of the 
unhappy Prince under circumstances which flattered their hatred of 
him " {History^ ed. 1709, p. 24). See also Gibbon's Decline and Fall ^ 
ch. Ixv. 

* In the Relagam of Monserrate he is called sexto neto. The Portu- 
guese word neto signifies a grandson, or descendant in the second 
generation. Bisneto is a great-grandson, or a descendant in the third 
generation. Terceiro neto is a great-great-grandson, and so on. By 
' eighth king after him ' du Jamc presumably means, eighth king of 
his line. The names of the ancestors of the Mogul emperors are often 
to be found at the heads of royal farmans. Akbar's farmans frequently 
commenced thus : Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akbar, Padshah, Ghazi, 
son of Humayun Padshah, son of Babur Padshah, son of Umar Shaikh 



Mirza, son of Sultan Abu Said, son of Sultan Muhammad Mirza, son 
of Miran Shah, son of Timur Mirza Sahib Quran. 

^ So also Peruschi : Nacque Echebar nella Prouincia chiamata 
Chaquata {Informattone^ P- 5)* the Re la f am we find, a sua nacam 
e patria he Chaquata, which Hosten renders, " By nationality and 
country he belongs to Chaquata," Amarkot, where Akbar was born, 
is m Smd. Chaquata, or Chagatai, was the name given to the terri- 
tories, or Khanate, inherited by Chagatai Khan, the second son of 
Chmghiz Khan. It included the whole of Transoxiana, Afghanistan, 
and Baluchistan, but did not, at that date, estend eastwards beyond 
the Indus. 

^ Mirza Muhammad Hakim, the ruler of Kabul, was the son of 
Humayun by his wife Mah Chuchak Begam, and was therefore half- 
brother to Akbar, whose mother was Hamida Bano Begam. Mah 
Chuchak was murdered in Kabul in 1564 by Humayun's favourite 
general, Abul Maali. 

Arachosia, in olden times a province of the Persian empire, cor- 
responded roughly with the south-eastern portion of Afghanistan, It 
was conquered by Alexander the Great, who founded its capital city, 
Alexandreia, now usually identified with Kandahar. 

8 Peruschi {Inform atione^ p. 14) : " . . . facendogli ritirare sino 
all'Isole del mare de Vengala." This curious expression probably 
denotes the delta of the Ganges, which is so intersected by rivers and 
creeks that it may almost be described as a collection of islands. Ralph 
Fitch, in his description of this part of Bengal, wrote, " They be all 
hereabouts rebels against their king Zelabdim Echebar ; for here are 
so many rivers and ilands, that they flee from one to another, whereby 
his horsemen cannot prevaile against them " (Foster's Early Travels in 
India, p, 28). 

• This was Shah Tahmasp L He reigned from 1523 to 1577, and 
was an ardent apostle of the Shiah faith. 

" i.e. Ali, the adopted son of Muhammad, whose claim to succeed 
to the Khahfate on the death of the Prophet gave rise to the Shiah. 

11 i.e. the province of Gujarat (see note 4, ch. vi). 

^2 The Portuguese usually referred to the kingdom of Vijayanagar 
as 'Narsmga,' from the name of the king, Narasmgh, who reigned 
when they first came to India. 

With Monserrate to guide him, du Jarric had no excuse for 
making the Tapti and the Narbada flow into the Ganges. The descrip- 
tion in the Relafam, which is literally translated by Peruschi, though 
he mis-spells the names of the rivers, is as foUows : " Industan is 
watered by ten rivers called as follows : the Taphi, which passes 



through Currate ; the Narvada, passing through Baroche ; the Sambel, 
which flows into the Jamona ; the Jamona, which passes into the 
Ganga ; the Ganga with its mouth in Bemgala ; the Qatanulge, Beha, 
Raoy, Chenao, Behet, and the Indo which the last five join." ' Rebeth * 
is evidently a perversion of Behet, or Behat, the old and correct name 
of the Jhilam. ' Behet ' is from the Sanskrit Fttasta, or Bedasta, which 
the Greeks corrupted into Bidaspes, or H/daspes (vtde Yule's Glossary^ 
p. 8i). Amongst ancient names of the Sudej, Yule gives Satadru, 
Satudriy and Sitadru; an old English name appears to have been 
' Satanledge' {vide Memoirs Jl.S,B,y 19 14, p. 592). By the process 
of elimination, we arrive at the conclusion that the Cebcha is the Beas, 
or Beha, the only river left I suggest that Peruschi misread the two 
names * ^atanulge Beha ' as ' Catanul Gebeha,' and that from these 
distortions arose the monstrosities we find in the text. 

1* Akbar's fighting strength was represented by a small standing 
army, paid and equipped out of imperial funds, plus a large irregular 
force consisting of troops furnished by his captains, or Mansabdars (lit, 
* office-holders '). The official ' grading ' of the Mansabdars was one 
of the administrative reforms instituted in the years 1574-5. They 
were then divided into thirty classes, ranging from commanders of 10 
to commanders of 5000. There were higher commands, of 7000, 
8000, and 10,000 ; but these were, with rare exceptions, only con- 
ferred on Princes of the blood. In each case the numbers represented 
the rank of the commander, rather than the strength of the contingent 
he was expected to furnish, which was considerably less, sometimes not 
more than a tenth, of his nominal command. Indeed, the rank of 
Mansabdar was frequently conferred without any military obligation 
at all, on persons whom the king wished to honour. The mansabdari 
system, therefore, not only served a military purpose, but constituted 
a kind of order of knighthood. The salaries attached to the various 
grades ranged from 75 rupees a month for commanders of 10, to 
30,000 rupees for commanders of 5000, or, as it were, * grand com- 
manders ' of the order. 

Neither Abul Fazl, the author of the Jin-i-Jkban, nor Badaoni, 
the two principal authorities on Akbar's military administration, makes 
any mention of commanders of 12,000 or 14,000. But du Jarric's 
figures are those given by Monserrate, and cannot, therefore, be lightly 
set aside. Monserrate accompanied Akbar on his military expedition 
to Kabul in 1 5 8 1, and his figures are doubtless based on the composition 
of the force employed on that occasion. It must be remembered that, 
at this juncture, Akbar's throne was in very imminent danger ; for 
while his dominions were being invaded from the west, a formidable 
rebellion v^as raging in Bengal, the two together constituting a deep- 



laid conspiracy to place his brother Muhammad Hakim, the ruler of 
Kabul, on the imperial throne. In such an emergency Akbar must 
have needed the help of every man he could lay his hands on ; and 
it is, therefore, quite conceivable that his captains were called upon to 
take the field with contingents larger than those they were normally 
expected to maintain. The number of troops employed during these 
troubles is given in the Relagam as follows : " In his campaign against 
his brother, the Prince of Qhabal, he left 10,000 men in garrison in 
Cambaia, and 1 2,000 in Fatipur with his mother. To the frontiers of 
Bemgala he sent against the rebels a foster brother of his own, one of 
his relations, with 20,000 horse, and some four or five captains, each 
with six, five or four thousand horse, besides some infantry and camp- 
followers for the baggage. In all the towns he left the necessary 
garrisons, and took with him about 50,000 picked men, besides an 
infinite number of infantry and camp-followers." 

1* Du Jarric's authority for this statement was a letter v^ritten by 
the Father Provincial of Goa in November, 1 591, which was published 
at Rome in 1592 by an Italian Father named Spitilh, together with 
another letter by the same writer. Extracts from both these letters are 
given by Maclagan in his account of the Jesuit Missions {y.A.S,B.j 
Vol. 65). The passage referring to the elephants is as follows : 
" Father Anthony Monserrate states that when the Emperor took him 
on an expedition which he at one time made, he had with him five 
thousand fighting elephants exclusive of those used for baggage, and 
that in the whole empire there are fifty thousand elephants stationed 
for war-hke purposes at various centres." The statements here attributed 
to Monserrate do not appear in his works. In the Relapam, however, 
he says, in reference to the Kabul campaign, that, after the Indus had 
been crossed, the king's second son " was sent ahead with 1 5,000 
horse and 1500 elephants " ; so that the number of the latter animals 
taken on the expedition must have been very large. The statement 
that Akbar maintained 50,000 war-elephants is also made by Peruschi. 

These are described in the 'Relagam as follows : " He [Akbar" 
had also with him fifty elephants, each with four musketeers, placec. 
on certain appliances, like children's cradles, with a balcony which they 
can turn in any direction they hke. These musketeers discharge bullets 
of the size of an egg." The method here described of arming elephants 
was not peculiar to the armies of the Mogul kings. In the Chronicle 
of Femao Nuniz we read that the war-elephants of Vijayanagar " go 
with their howdahs (castellos) from which four men fight on each side 
of them, and the elephants are completely clothed, and on their tusks 
they have knives fastened, much ground and sharpened, with which 
they do great harm." Varthema, who gives a detailed description of 



the Vijayanagar war-elephants, says : " They fasten to the trunk a 
sword two braccia long, as thick and as wide as the hand of a man. 
And in this way they fight. And he who sits upon his neck orders 
him : * Go forward,' or ' Turn back,' ' Strike this one,' * Strike that 
one,' * Do not strike any more,' and he understands as though he were 
a human being." If the custom of attaching a sword to the trunk, 
and daggers to the tusks, of an elephant actually prevailed, as M on- 
serrate states in the Relagam, in the Mogul army, it is curious that no 
mention is made of it in the At7j4-AkbarL I have not found the 
practice referred to by any Muhammadan writer, nor have I seen it 
depicted m any Mogul battle-picture. Irvme says nothing about it in 
his Arm^ of the Indian Moguls, 

^' This apparently refers to Akbar's twin sons, Hasan and Husain, 
who died in infancy in 1 564 (see Smith's Akbar, p. 75). The build- 
ing of Fathpur-Sikri was commenced in 1 569. Monserrate says in his 
Commentarius that when Akbar took up his residence at Agra, he found 
the city full of evil spirits, who molested all classes of the people, and 
even his own children were amongst their victims : " Nam absoluto 
jam opere, ubi Rex nouam arcem, et aulam mcolere coepit, lemures 
diuino id permittente numine, domos percurrere, rursum prorsum 
cursitare, omnia conuellere, mulierculas, et pueros territare, lapidis 
jacere, omnibus denique nocere mstituunt. Ac fuissent fortasse, haec 
in commoda, si latius se non fuissent, ferenda. Verum in Regis hberos, 
Daemonis sese effudit audacia : quos biduo, aut tribuo postquam nati 
essent, enecabat. Et binos, aut tmos eripuit." {Memoirs of the A,S,B,y 
1914, p. 562). 

This date is incorrect. The first Jesuit Mission arrived at 
Fathpur in February, 1580, Two years before this, Akbar had been 
visited by a Christian priest named Julianus Pereira, the Vicar-General 
in Bengal, whose " zeal in explaining the law of the Gospel, together 
with the excellence of his conduct, disposed Akbar to regard our faith 
v^th increasing favour" {Relafam). According to Father Hosten, 
however, this priest was not a Jesuit. 

^* The description in the Relafam is as follows : "Akbar is a fine- 
looking, broad-shouldered man, but bow-legged, and of a swarthy 
complexion. His eyes are large, but with narrow openings, like those 
of a Tartar or Chinaman. He has a broad, open forehead ; and his 
nose, except for a slight lump in the centre, is straight. The nostrils 
are large, and on the left one there is a small wart. He is in the habit 
of carrying his head slightly mchned to the right side. Like the Turks, 
he shaves his beard ; but he wears a small neatiy-trimmed moustache." 
This portrait is practically identical with that which Jahangir gives us 
in his Memoirs, except for the inadequate allusion to Akbar's wart. 



Jahangir, evidently a connoisseur in suck matters, does the royal excre- 
scence more justice. " My father," he writes, liad on the left side 
of his nose a fleshy mole, very agreeable in appearance, of the size of 
half a pea. Those skilled in the science of physiognomy considered 
this mole a sign of great prosperity and exceeding good fortune " 
{Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, i. p. 33). 

2° Monserrate says that when the Fathers -went to the palace on the 
evening of their arrival at Fathpur, they found the King and his sons 
in Portuguese dress, which they had assumed as a compliment to their 
guests : " More Lusitanicis paUium purpureum, aureis fibulis mduit, 
filiosque eodem vestibus, et pileis (caps) Lusitanicis prodire jussit, ut 
ea re hospitbus gratificaretur " {Memom oJtheA.hJB , X914, p. 559). 

^^11 estoit melanchohque de sa nature y et sukect an mal caduc; or, 
in the Latin version of Matthia Martinez, Watura erat melanchohcus^ 
et epilepttco subj actus morbo, I have been unable to trace du Jarric's 
authority for this statement. It is not made by Monserrate, nor is it 
to be found either in Guzman's Historza or in the Informatione of 
Peruschi. Possibly du Jarric took it from the notes on the Historia 
made by Father Laertius (see p. xxviii). There is nothing improbable 
in the statement itself. That Akbar suffered at times from some form 
of mental depression, there appears to be no doubt ; and if Abul Fazl's 
statement {Akbamamay tr. Beveridge, p. 1 125) that Murad developed 
epilepsy, is to be trusted, it may be concluded that the disease, which 
is well known to be hereditary, was in the family. It may even be 
that Humayun's fatal fall was due to a seizure of this nature. The 
statement that Pnnce Murad developed epilepsy is also made in the 
Maasir-uI'Umara (see Mr. Beveridge's translation, p. 120). 

2* In the CommentanuSy Monserrate states that he and Father 
Aquaviva were invited to witness one of these gladiatorial combats, 
and that they not only refused to do so, but severely reprimanded Akbar 
for countenancing so inhuman a practice. According to V. A. Smith, 
the * gladiatorii ludi ' were continued by Jahangir and Shah Jahan. 

It is not the panther {felis fardus), but the hunting leopard {felis 
jubata) which was, and is still trained in India for hunting purposes. 
The latter ammal is now generally called a * cheeta ' ; though this 
name, which means ' spotted,' is frequently given to the panther, and 
to its close relative the leopard (Jelts /eopardtcs). 

Apparently the office of the Mir-i-Jrz, or Barhegiy is here referred 
to. According to Blochmann {Jiny I, p. vi) the Mir-i-Jlrz was " an 
officer who presents people at court, their petitions, &c.*' Abul Fazl 
says {ibid.y p. 251) that this officer was fully acquainted with all the 
ceremonies of the court, and that it was through him, and the officer 
in command of the guard for the day, that all the orders of the King 


were made known. These two officers, he adds, " are day and night 
in attendance about the palace, ready for any orders His Majesty 
may issue." 

The duties of a wa^di-nams (lit. * news-writer '), or royal scribe, 
are given in the Ain-t-Akbaru There appear to have been fourteen 
such officers, who came on duty in rotation, two at a time. It was 
their busmess to write up the yad-dasht^ or daily record of all that the 
king said or did in the course of the twenty-four hours. If they did 
their work conscientiously, they must have had a very busy time ; for 
the yad-daskt was a record not only of the king's pubhc acts and utter- 
ances, but of countless matters of a personal or private nature, such as 
** what His Majesty eats and drinks ; when he sleeps and when he nses ; 
the etiquette in the state hall ; the time His Majesty spends in the 
harem ; when he goes to the general and private assemblies ; when 
he marches and when he halts ; vows made by him ; his remarks ; 
what books he has read to him ; what alms he bestows ; what presents 
he makes . . (Ain^ I, p. 258). 

Du Jarric presumably means ' impaled.' In the Commentarius of 
Monserrate the punishments are referred to as follows : " Qui capitale 
commiserunt, aut pedibus elephantum proterendi proijiuntur, aut 
palis infiguntur, aut suspendio enecantur. Raptores et adulteri, aut 
jugulantur, aut in furcam aguntur " 

This was Klhwaja Shah Mansur, who was finance minister when 
the first Jesuit mission arrived at Akbar's court. Shah Mansur took a 
leading part in the conspiracy mentioned on page 32. Three times he 
was found to be in treasonable correspondence with Mirza Muhammad 
Hakim, the ruler of Kabul. The letters discovered on the last occasion 
may have been, and in aU probability were, forged by his enemies, with 
a view to compassing his downfall ; but of his guilt on the two first 
occasions there appears to be little doubt. The question is fully dis- 
cussed by V. A. Smith on pages 19 5-7 of his Akbar; but reference 
should also be made to the account of the Kabul campaign in J, ^ Proc. 

Vol. XI (191 5), in which the case for Shah Mansur is very 
strongly put. 



The First Mission to Mogor 

^ Tiie first paragraph, of this chapter is based on the Inform attone^ 
and the remainder on Guzman's Htstoria (Bk. Ill, chs. xxviii-xxx). 

2 Cabral was already known to Akbar, to whose court he had been 
sent as ambassador in 1573. Akbar was at that time engaged in the 
siege of Surat, then held by his rebellious kinsmen, the Mirzas ; and 
having heard that the Portuguese were taking steps to assist the de- 
fenders, he made fnendly overtures to Don Antonio de Noronha, the 
Viceroy at Goa, who thereupon despatched an embassy under Antonio 
Cabral (or Cambral) to meet the Emperor at Surat. Owing to the 
skill with which Cabral conducted the negotiations, a peaceful settle- 
ment was arrived at, and was shortly followed by the capitulation of 
the town. Monserrate says in his Re la f am do Equebar that Akbar 
" was first drawn to our religion by the courteous behaviour and fear- 
lessness of the Portuguese who accompanied Cabral on his mission to 
Surat." The circumstances which led to Cabral's second embassage 
in 1578 are somewhat obscure. According to V. A. Smith {Akbar ^ 
p. 137), Akbar's relations with the Portuguese had again become 
strained, and an embassy was sent to Goa to arrange matters. " In 
1578 the Viceroy (Dom Diogo de Menezes) responded by accrediting 
to Akbar's court as his ambassador the same Antonio Cabral who had 
conducted the satisfactory negotiations in 1573. He spent some time 
at Fathpur-Sikri, and was able to give the Emperor a considerable 
amount of information concerning Christian manners and customs ; 
but, being a layman, he was not in a position to expound with authority 
the deeper matters of the faith." Du Jarric does not appear to have 
known that Cabral conducted two embassies to the Mogul court. 

Abul Fazl's account of the siege of Surat in 1 573 contains the follow- 
ing interesting passage : " One of the occurrences of the siege was that 
a large number of Christians came from the port of Goa and its neigh- 
bourhood to the foot of the sublime throne, and were rewarded by the 
bliss of an interview {mula%ama£). Apparently they had come at the 
request of the besieged in order that the latter might make the fort 
over to them, and so convey themselves to the shore of safety. But 
when that crew saw the majesty of the imperial power, and had become 



cognisant of the largeness of the army, and of the extent of the siege- 
train, they represented themselves as ambassadors and performed the 
komish. They produced many of the rarities of their country, and the 
appreciative Khedive received each one of them with special favour 
and made inquiries about the wonders of Portugal and the manners 
and customs of Europe. It seemed as if he did this from a desire of 
knowledge, for his sacred heart is a dep6t of spiritual and physical 
sciences " {Akbamama^ tr. H. Beveridge, Vol. Ill, p. 37). 

' The Fathers in question were Anthony Vaz and Peter Dias. In 
his Mtssione al Gran Mogor^ Father Daniel Bartoli states that these two 
priests " having come to preach in his (Akbar's) dominions in Bengala, 
and finding that the Christians there defrauded his royal exchequer of 
the taxes they rightly owed for anchorage, and of the annual imposts 
agreed upon between them, obliged them to make restitution. A large 
sum was recovered, and the Eling, wise as he was, on hearing of it 
from his mimsters, marvelled at the measure, and highly commended 
the probity of the Fathers, as also the holiness of the Christian law, 
since it would not allow its followers any disloyalty or injustice even 
towards foreigners and enemies " (see Jl,8.B, Memoirs ^ Vol. Ill, p. 5 40). 

* In the Relagam of Monserrate he is called Pero Tavares, and is 
described as " the Captain of Port Pequino.'* Porto Pequino and 
Porto Grande, the ' Little Haven ' and the * Great Haven,' were the 
names by which the Bengal ports of Satigam and Chatiyam (Chittagong) 
were commonly known to the Portuguese (see Hohon-Jobson^ p. 727). 
There can be little doubt that, as Mr. Beveridge has suggested, Tavares 
is to be identified with the person called Partab Bar in the Akbamama 
of Abul Fazl. The reference is to the account of the 23rd year of 
the reign (i 578), in which it is stated that, along with the tribute from 
Bengal, there came to Akbar's court " a European named Partab Bar, 
one of the chief merchants of the ports of Bengal, who was accom- 
panied by Basurba, his vTife : he was graciously received at court, and 
his sound sense and upright conduct won the favour and esteem of the 
Emperor " {E, ^ D,, VI, p. 59). Partab Bar is a very close ap- 
proximation to Pero Tavares. For suggested explanations of the name 
Basurba, see Mr. Beveridge's note on page 383 of his translation of 
the Akbamama, 

5 Up to this point du Jarric has followed (practically translated) 
Peruschi ; but either the extract he was using here came to an abrupt 
end, or his copy of the Informatione was mutilated ; for, in the very 
next line, Peruschi refers to the priest as Padre Giuliano Pereira. The 
remaining portion pf this chapter is a translation of pages 243-248 of 
the Historiay in, v^hich'.tKe priest's napae is not mentioned. 

It appears from the Relagam of Monserrate, from which Peruschi 



took the name, that Pereira afterwards had charge of the bishopric of 
Cochin. In the Oriente Conqmstado of de Sousa he is referred to as 
a man who " possessed more virtue than letters, hence, after answering 
what he knew, he said that he was a dunce compared with the men of 
letters to be found at Goa, and that His Majesty might call for some 
to be fully informed of the mysteries of the Gospels.'* In the Com- 
mentarius, Monserrate styles this priest Aegidius, which is the Latin 
form of Giuhano, or Juhanus. 

^ The word cazique (variously spelt casis^ caxis, caciz^ etc.) was 
used by Spanish and Portuguese writers to signify a Muhammadan 
priest or mulla. According to Yule {H.J.y p. 169), "it may be 
suspected to have arisen from a confusion of two Arabic terms — kddt 
[i.e. kazi, a Muhammadan civil or criminal judge] and kashsh or kasis^ 
a Christian Presbyter." On page 146 the word is spelt coxi^ and is 
wrongly used to designate a Hindu divine ; at any rate, I can suggest 
no other explanation of the term coxi. 

^ Du Jarric evidently means the King's AmirU'l-hajj or Mir-i-kafiia, 
the officer m charge of pilgrims to Mecca. This office was generally 
held by a man of high rank and dignity. The person here referred to 
is Sultan Khwaja, who had been appointed Amiru-l-haj j in 1 577, 
and had conducted a numerous party of courtiers to the holy shrine 
{Ain-i-Akbari^ I, 423). According to Abuli*'azl and Badaoni, Sultan 
Khwaja afterwards became a follower of Akbar's new religion, the 
Din Ilahu His daughter was married to Prince Danyal. 

' Tavernier says that the Jesuit Fathers at Goa were known as 
Paulists, " on account of their grand church dedicated to St. Paul " 
{Travels y ed. Ball, I, p. 197). It was, however, not the church, but 
the College of St. Paul, which gave rise to the name Paulists. This 
coUege was originally an ordinary lay seminary, but was taken over 
and converted into a Jesuit institution by St. Francis Xavier. Many 
Jesuit priests were trained in the college, which was looked upon by 
the Fathers of the Society as their Indian Alma Mater, Du Jarric 
describes it as the fountain-head of the missionary movement, " du quel 
toutes les autres maisons, heu de residance, ou Colleges que nous 
avons en I'lnde Orientale, sont sortis, comme des Colonies ; par 
consequent nous pouuons dire en quelque fagon, que tout le bien, qui 
este faict en Orient par le moyen de ceux de nostre compagnie, prend 
sa source de la, comme d'une fontaine . . . et partant ce n'est pas sans 
raison, qu'on les appelle presque par tout TOrient les Peres de S. Paul, 
comme si tous estoient habitans de ce College " {Histoire, I, p. 307). 

• His real name was Peres or Pires. According to Bartoli he was 
an Armenian Christian. In 1582 he married an Indian wife. We 
learn from a letter written by Aquaviva, that Akbar himself was present 



at the marriage, and interpreted to the bride the sermon which he 
(Aquaviva) deKvered on the occasion (see J.J*S,B.y LVI, p. 57). 

" The King's ambassador reached Goa in September, 1579, and 
was received with great honour. "The same celebrations were 
accorded him," says Bartoh in his Missione al Gran Mogor^ " which 
were customary on the arrival of Viceroys newly come from Europe 
to take up the government of India. . . . The ambassador was con- 
ducted from the lago which lay two or three nautical miles off Goa, 
/ made his solemn entrance, the whole of the Portuguese nobility wel- 
coming him, A part of them met him as he alighted on the shore ; 
the rest expected him at the palace. A great train of cavaliers then 
accompanied him to our College of St. Paul, where he presented to the 
Provincial the letters of his King with the amplest patents, so that, 
from their first entrance into the states of his Crown up to their arrival 
at his court of Fatepur, the Fathers who were to be sent might be 
received, provided for and, if need be, protected as persons belonging 
to His Majesty's own household, by the Viceroys and the Governors 
of the Provinces through which they would pass." De Sousa [Onente 
Conqutstadoj II, 150) says that the Portuguese Viceroy was at first 
unwilling to comply with Akbar's request, fearing that he meant to 
hold the Fathers as hostages, " and thus obhge the Captains of Dama6, 
Dio, and of the armadas of the North to overlook his encroachments," 
and that it was only after the Provincial had assured him that his ap- 
prehensions were baseless, " while there appeared solid hope of greater 
conquests to the Faith and of advantages to the State," and after the 
matter had been referred to and approved by a council of Bishops, that 
he finally decided to despatch the Mission. 

The above quotations from BartoH and de Sousa are from the 
passages translated by the Rev, H. Hosten in his introduction to the 
text of the Commentarius of Monserrate {Memoirs J.S,B., Ill, 19 14). 

Father Rudolf Aquaviva had just reached Goa when Akbar's 
embassy arrived. He was then only 30 years of age. After joining 
the Jesuit Society he had insisted, despite his delicate health, on being 
sent to aid in spreading the Gospel m the East. He at once asked to 
be sent to the Great Mogul's court, and was appointed leader of the 
Mission, On his return to Goa in 1 583, he was sent to Salsette, where 
he was kiUed a* few months later by a Hindu mob. An interesting 
biographical sketch of Aquaviva is contained m Father F. Goldie's 
First Christian Mission to the Great Mogul, 

^* Father Anthony Monserrate was not only a zealous and courage- 
ous missionary, but a scholar and a man of letters. He first came 
into prominence during the great plague which devastated the city of 
Lisbon in 1569, when he displayed fearless devotion in ministering to 



the sick. He accompanied the first Mission to Akbar's court for the 
double purpose of sharing its labours and writing its history. His 
Mongolicce Legationis Comment arius^ or narrative of the first Jesuit 
Mission, constitutes one of the most important of our primary sources 
for the history of Akbar's reign. In Part II of his Histoire (pp. 224- 
238) du Jarric gives a detailed and interesting account of Monserrate's 
capture by Arabs off the coast of Arabia in 1588, and of his subsequent 
adventures, until finally ransomed six and a half years later. The com- 
plete Latin text of the Commeniartus, edited by Father Hosten, is 
contained in Vol. Ill of the Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 

^3 Father Fran9ois Henriqu^s was a Persian convert, selected prob- 
ably on account of his knowledge of the Persian language. He does 
not appear to have been a success. He returned, or was recalled, to 
Goa before the termination of the Mission. 

1* The route followed, which was through Khandesh, Ujjain, 
Sarangpur, Sironj, and Gwalior, is given, with other details of the 
journey, in de Sousa's Oriente ConquistadOy and the Commentarius of 
Monserrate. A good account of the journey may also be read in 
Murray's Ducovenes^ II, p. 83 ^/ seq. 

^'^ According to Goldie {First Christian Mission^ p. 63), this was 
the new Royal Polyglot Bible of Plantyn, printed for Phihp II, 1569- 
1572. Father Goldie evidently refers to the Bibha Montani^ edited 
by Father B. Arias Montanus, and printed at Antwerp, 1 569-1 573, 
by Christopher Platinus. This Bible was pubhshed in eight (not seven, 
as stated by Goldie) folio volumes. The four languages are Hebrew, 
Chaldee, Latin, and Greek. The Old Testament is contained in the 
first four volumes, and the New in the fifth. The last three volumes 
are filled by the " apparatus sacer." There is a fine and complete copy 
of the Bibha Montani in the hbrary of the British Museum, which is 
said to be the copy presented by the printer to Matthias, Archduke of 
Austria, afterwards Emperor. For an account of the editor and his 
work, see Hurter's Nomenclator^ Vol. I, pp. 145-7. Monserrate 
clearly states in the Commentarius that the Bible presented to Akbar 
was in seven volumes ; so, if the above identification is correct, Akbar's 
copy must have been incomplete. 

i« This picture adorns the altar in the Borghese Chapel in the Church 
of S. Maria Maggiore at Rome. It is one of the pictures attributed 
to St. Luke, and is supposed to possess miraculous powers. It is said that 
in the year 590, when Rome was devastated by cholera. Pope Gregory 
the Great caused this picture to be carried in procession through the 
streets, and that the disease straightway disappeared from the city. A 
similar procession took place in i860 after the victories of Garibaldi, 
which were attributed to the miraculous influence of the picture. 



This was doubtless the dispute referred to by Abul Fazl in the 
Akbarnama; " One night," he says, " the Ibadat-Khana was brightened 
by the presence of Padre Radalf, who for inteUigence and wisdom was 
unrivalled among Christian doctors. Several carping and bigoted men 
attacked him, and this afforded an opportunity for a display of the calm 
judgment and justice of the assembly ! These men brought forward 
the old received assertions, and did not attempt to arrive at the truth 
by reasoning. Their statements were torn to pieces, and they were 
nearly put to shame ; and then they began to attack the contradictions 
in the Gospel, but they could not prove their assertions. With perfect 
calmness and earnest conviction of the truth, the Padre replied to their 
arguments . . • " (jff. ^ Z>., VI, p. 60), 



' What is Truth ? ' 

* The first 1 1 paragraphs of this chapter are based on the Informa-^ 
tione (pp. 34-40), and the remainder on chapter xxxi of the Htstona. 

2 This IS incorrect. Salim was born in 1569 ; in 1582, therefore, 
he was 13, or hy Hijri reckoning, 14 years of age. He was named 
after the saint Shaikh Sahm Chisti, m whose house he was born. 
" After my birth," he wrote in his Memoirs, " they gave me the name 
of Sultan Sahm, but I never heard my father, whether in his cups or 
in his sober moments, call me Muhammad Salim, or Sultan Salim, but 
always Shaikhu Baba" {Tuzuk-i-Jahangtri, I, p. 3). Murad, nick- 
named Pahari, was bom m 1570, and was, therefore, 12 years old at 
this time. Dan, or Danyal, was born in 1572. 

^ Murad's education was first entrusted to Monserrate and after- 
wards to Aquaviva. In a letter to the General of the Order, dated 
April, 1582, Aquaviva wrote : " We hope to see some fruit from the 
Emperor's second son, Pahari, a boy of 1 3 years of age, who is learning 
the Portuguese language, and therewith the things relating to our faith, 
and who shows himself well disposed thereto, and who is of great 
natural genius and has good inclination. Father Monserrat was his 
teacher, and now I am " {y,Jl.S,B., VI, p. 55). How bitter the fruit 
proved, Aquaviva was never to know. 

* The complete formula with which the Muhammadan school-boy 
should commence his exercises is Bismtllahi 'r-rahmani 'r-raMm : " In 
the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merdful." This formula, 
or more frequently the word bismillah alone, is repeated at the com- 
mencement of any new work. It serves as a grace before meals, and 
is used at the beginning of all books. The incident in the text seems 
to be referred to by Badaoni. " Learned monks," he says, " came from 
Europe, who go by the name of Pddre. They have an infallible head 
called Pdpd. He can change any religious ordinances as he may think 
advisable, and kings have to submit to his authority. These monks 
brought the Gospel, and mentioned to the Emperor their proofs of the 
Trinity. His Majesty firmly believed in the truth of the Christian 
rehgion, and wishing to spread the doctrines of Jesus, ordered Prince 



Murdd to take a few lessons in Christianity hj way of auspiciousness, 
and charged Abulfazl to translate the Gospel. Instead of the usual 
Bismilldh'irrahmdn-irrahim^ the following words were used — 

At ndm i tu Jesus o Kiristo^ 
which means ' O thou whose name is gracious and blessed * ; and 
Shaikh Faizi added another half, in order to complete the verse — 

Subhdnaka Id siwdka Yd hi. 
(We praise Thee, there is no one besides Thee, O God !) 
These accursed monks apphed the description of cursed Satan, and 
of his quahties to Muhammad, the best of all prophets — God's bless- 
ings rest on him and his whole house I — a thing which even devils 
would not do {Airty I, p. 182). 

* The corresponding passage in the Informatione is as follows : 
" Finalmente disse a i Padre, che la lor legge gli piaceua molto : ma 
che non poteua credere quelh due articoh della Tnnitata, & della 
Incamatione : & che, se gli facessero penetrare, & intendere questi, 
voleua essere Christiano ; & che, se percio fusse necessareo di lasciare 
il Regno, lo farebbe." 

« The Koran is full of allusions to the Old and the New Testaments ; 
but I know of no passage m which either the possession or the reading 
of these books is forbidden. The statement m the text appears to be 
one of the many examples which the Jesuit writings afford of the 
ignorance of the Fathers on matters pertaining to the faith of Islam. 

' On the extent to which slavery prevailed in India at this period, 
see Moreland's India at the Death of Akbar, especially chapters ixi 
and IV. The position and treatment of slaves is referred to by Abul 
Fazl in the 6th Ain (Blochmann, I, p. 253). Akbar, we are told, 
objected, from rehgious motives, to the use of the word bandah (slave), 
and spoke of the class always as chelahs, or * faithful disciples.' He also 
permitted many chelahs to " chose the road to happiness " by joining 
the Din Ilahi, There were both Indian and foreign slaves. The chief 
market for the latter was at Goa, in which city, according to Lin- 
schoten, slave labour was extensively employed. Abul Fazl gives the 
pay of the lowest class of slave as i dam per day, or less than a rupee 
a month. It was only in 1843 that slavery was finally abolished in 
India by legislation. 

^ Amongst Muhammadans it is considered a highly meritorious act 
to assist in carrying the dead to the place of interment. 

" This IS the Jesuit version of the story, for a fuller account of which 
see the Commentarius of Monserrate, pp. 564-6. According to Abul 
Fazl {E, & D., VI, p. 60), the challenge emanated from the Fathers, 
and was declined by the " black-hearted and mean-spirited " Mullas, 
who " answered only with angry words." Badaoni reverses the story, 



"The fire," lie says, "was made. Tlie Shaikh pulled one of the 
Christian priests by the coat, and said to him, * Come on, in the name 
of God ! ' But none of the priests had the courage to go " (Blochmann, 
Aiity I, p. 191). See also Smith's Akbafy p. 176. 

'^^ This was probably Hakim Ah who attended Akbar during his 
last illness. " In the 40th year. Ah was a commander of 700, and had 
the title of Jdlinis uzzamdni, ' the Galenus of the age.' His astringent 
mixtures enjoyed a great reputation at court. He treated Akbar imme- 
diately before his death. It is said that the Emperor died of dysentery 
or acute diarrhoea, which no remedies could stop. 'All had at last 
recourse to a most powerful astringent, and when the dysentery was 
stopped, costive fever and strangury ensued. He therefore adminis- 
tered purgatives, which brought back the diarrhoea, of which Akbar 
died. . . . Jahangir says of him that ' his subtlety was greater than his 
knowledge, his looks better than his walk of life, his behaviour better 
than his heart; for in reality he was a bad and unprincipled man.* 
Once Jahangir hinted that 'Alf had kiUed Akbar. On the other side, 
it is said that he spent annually 6000 rupees on medicines for the 
poor " {Atny I, p. 467). 

The rebellion had already commenced when the Jesuit Mission 
reached Fathpur at the end of February, 1580. The Governor of 
Bengal, Muzaffar Khan, was murdered in April ; but it was not till 
the beginning of the following year that Muhammad Hakim marched 
from Kabul into the Pan jab. Akbar set out on his campaign against 
his brother in February, 1 58 1. He entered Kabul in August, and was 
back again at Fathpur before the close of the year. 

Akbar 's treatment of the Fathers at this time was probably 
dictated by pohcy, rather than by any violent change in his personal 
feelings towards them, or in his attitude either to Christianity or to 
Islam. He was, in fact, in an extremely critical situation, and one 
which demanded that, for the time at any rate, his unpopular religious 
views should be kept m the background. That the Fathers were not 
entirely banished from his favour is proved by the fact (unknown 
apparently to du Jarric) that he took Monserrate with him on the 
Kabul expedition. We are told that Father Rudolf also vdshed to 
accompany the Emperor. " But Akbar thought it well not to irritate 
the Muhammadans in a moment of danger, and would only allow 
Father Montserrat to accompany him, as the tutor of his son, Murad." 
(Goldie, First Christian Mission, p. 83). 

^8 Fide note 14, ch. i. Detailed accounts of the Kabul campaign 
are to be found in Monserrate's Commentarius^ and in the Akbamatna 
of Abul FazL 




Father Rudolf Aquaviva 

1 This chapter, with the exception of the last four paragraphs, is 
almost a literal translation of chapters xxxii and xxxiii of the Historia. 

^ Father Monserrate set out for Goa in April, 1582, and his depar- 
ture may be said to mark the close of the first Jesuit Mission. Father 
Rudolf Aquaviva remained at Fathpur till the following February, 
when he too left for Goa, where he arrived in the month of May. 
Akbar sent, at the same time, a letter to the Provincial, in which he 
thus referred to Rudolf's departure : " As the said Father is very 
learned and versed in the wisdom of the ancients, and as I love him 
much and see that he is vrise and learned in the faith, I wish to devote 
every hour to conversation with him. For these reasons I have some- 
times refused the leave which he asked for and which your Reverence 
also in your letter desired. But now I give him leave to go : and as 
my intention is that our friendship should increase from day to day 
it is meet that your Reverence should do your part towards preserving 
it by sending Father Rodolfi back to me, with several other Fathers, 
as soon as possible, for I v^ish the Fathers of your Society to be with 
me, and I take great delight in them. I have told the Father many 
things by word of mouth that he might repeat them to your Reverence, 
the which you will consider well " {y.J,S,B., LXV, p. 59). 

' In a letter written to the General of the Company in 1598, Xavier 
tells how, on one occasion, the Prince, after talking at great length of 
the bodily afflictions which the Christians were wont to undergo, con- 
firmed his account by referring to Father Aquaviva " whose intimate 
friend he had been, saying how one night when sleeping near him 
he heard a sound as liough he were moving in the far end of his 
room. When the sound ceased he entered the Father's room and found 
there a whip so covered with blood that drops were falling on the floor. 
He asked him what the sound meant. The holy Father, however, 
tried to cover vnik a laugh what the flush on his face and the modesty 
of his eyes plainly betrayed " {y.J.8,B,, VI, p. 75). 

*■ It was about this time (i.e. in 1582) that Akbar first publicly 
promulgated his new religion, the Din I/aii, or * Divine Faith.' 



The Second Mission 

^ This chapter, like the corresponding chapter (xxxiv) of Guzman's 
Historiay reproduces almost word for word the reports sent to Rome 
in 1590 and 1591 by the Provincial at Goa. Italian translations of 
both these reports were published at Rome in 1592 by Spitilli. A 
Latin version of the same appeared at Antwerp the following year. 

^ In the Provincial's letter on which this chapter is based the cor- 
respondmg passage is : " Fana urbis, m qua residet, universa (Moscheas 
vocant) m stabula equorum, Sc elephantorum receptacula convertit, 
majoris apparatus belhci prsetextu. Postmodum vero Alcoranos (turres 
sunt fanis injectae, ex quibus sacrificuli voce praealta Mahometum m- 
clamant) evertit, affirmans quod cum mutilia essent fana, & orationi 
inidonea, frustra predicts turres subsisterent." 

The term generally used by Portuguese writers of the period for 
a manar^ or minaret, was not * alcoran,' but ' alcorana * ; and it is the 
latter word which has obtained a permanent place in the Portuguese 
vocabulary. Lacerda's dictionary defines it as " a slender and high 
turret in which the ministers of Alcoran said or read aloud their 
prayers." The same meaning (and the same misconception of the 
muazztn's call) is to be found in modern Portuguese dictionaries. 
Examples of the use of the term are common m the works of Castafieda, 
Barros, Teixeira, and other early Portuguese authors. It was borrowed 
by the English traveller Herbert, who, in his Travels (p. 164, 3rd ed.), 
describes " the alcoranas of Mosques " as " high, slender, round 
steeples or towers, most of which are terraced near the top hke the 
Standard in Cheapside, but twice as high." In an earlier chapter of 
the Histoire, the same term is used, not of the manar of a mosque, but 
of the mosque itself. 

This name for a minaret appears to have originated with the Portu- 
guese, I have discovered no instance of its use prior to the i6th 
century. Mr. Fennell {^ide his Dictionary of Anglicised Words and 
Phrases') regards it as quite distinct from alquran^ the Koran, and 
derives it from al-qorun, ' the horns,' or aUqiran^ * the vertices.' Yule, 
who effers no explanation, quotes, but does not endorse this derivation 
{Jiobson-Jobson^ p. 11). The above-mentioned passage in the Histotre 



indicates, I tiunk, that Mr. Fennell is wrong, and that in the word 
* alcorana ' we have nothing more than a misapplication of the name 
of the Sacred Book of Islam, In the chapter referred to, du Jarric 
tells how, during the Mission to Ormuz {circa 1 549), Father Caspar 
Barz^ was permitted, as a great favour, to enter the principal mosque 
of the city. The people, he says, took the Father " au plus grand & 
plus magnifique temple de Mahomet, appelle Coran, ou Alcoran : ce 
que signifie en langage Arabique une chose sacr^e, & pource appellent- 
'ils leur L07 Alcoran, 8c donnoyent a ce temple le mesme nom ; parce 
que c'estoit le plus sainct & sacr^ a leur jugement, qu'ils eussent en 
toutes quartiers." This strongly suggests that ' alcorana ' was the out- 
come of a confused association of ideas, combined with ignorance of 
the Arabic tongue. Teixeira's explanation seems to favour the same 
view. After describing a minaret and the purpose for which it is used, 
he adds : " y porque al libro de la setta de Mahamed llaman Koran o 
Alkoran, se di6 el mismo nombre al lugar hesho parapredicarlo " 
{Re I acton ^ p. 113). 

It is quite conceivable that the first Portuguese settlers were wrongly 
informed, or even hoaxed. They took little trouble to obtain accurate 
information about the people of India, while their credulity was 
astounding. When Da Gama and his followers landed on the West 
Coast in 1499, "^^^^ ^^^^ Hindu temples at Calicut were 

Christian churches, that the officiating priests were styled 'kaffirs,' 
and that a Nayar wore a top-knot to show that he belonged to the 
Christian religion ; and after knocking about for three months m 
Malabar, they carried this priceless information back with them to 
Portugal (see my Scenes and Characters from Indian History, pp. 90-92). 
It would have been an easy task to persuade these early adventurers 
that * alcorana ' was the correct name for a minaret ; but that the 
Jesuit Fathers, who professed to be, and in many cases undoubtedly 
were scholars, should have allowed themselves to be imposed upon to 
the extent revealed in the above quotations, seems almost incredible. 
Their ignorance in this instance was, however, characteristic of their 
general attitude towards the religions of the East. To them these 
alien creeds were things to be uprooted rather than studied. Islam 
was an evil growth ; and they took as little trouble to master its ter- 
minology as they took to comprehend the nature of its doctrines, and 
the significance of its rites. 

Dalgado in his Gloss ario-Luso-Asiatico gives a number of examples 
of the use of * alcorana,' but throws no further light on its origin. His 
first example is taken from the litnerario of Antonio Tenreiro, to which 
he assigns the date 1529. This date is incorrect. The original edition 
of the Itinerario was published at Coimbra in 1560. 



* The desecration of the mosques is referred to by Badaoni, who 
says that they were "changed into store-rooms, or given to Hindu 
chaukidars " (Jt^, I, p. 200) ; but the destruction of the minarets 
and the dispersal of the royal ^arim are not confirmed by other writers. 
The Provincial gained his information from Leon Grimon, who, in 
1590, carried to Goa Akbar's request for the despatch of a second 
Mission. Grimon's tale of Akbar's zeal for the faith evidently lost 
nothing in the telling. 

* There can, I think, be little doubt that Leon Grimon is to be 
identified (as Maclagan suggests) with the Padre Farmalliin mentioned 
by Abul Fazl. In his account of the 3 5 th year of the reign, the identical 
year (i.e. 1590) in which Grimon carried Akbar's letters to Goa, the 
author of the Akbamama says : " At this time, Padre Farmalftin 
arrived at the Imperial Court from Goa. He was a man of much 
learning and eloquence. A few intelhgent young men were placed 
under him for instruction, so that provision might be made for securing 
translations of Greek books and of extending knowledge " (5. ^ Z)., 
VI, p. 85). Leon Grimon was a Greek, and hence the use Akbar 
made of him. His name, in the Persian text used by Professor Dowson, 
is spelt cJ>l*^ (farmaleon). A very slight alteration turns this into 
jj^i^^ (ghrimaleon or ghramaleon), which may very possibly have 
been the word that Abul Fazl vTrote. ^ The ' g * of Grimon was 
probably sounded very hke the Persian ^ {gJiain). 

Grimon subsequently set out with Goes on his mission to Cathay, 
but was unable to endure the hardships of the expedition, which he 
abandoned at Kabul. 

' Seigneur de la Fosliere, Du Jarric follows Guzman's spelling ; 
but in the Italian version of SpitiUi, which takes us a step nearer to the 
original, we find S ignore dell a Fostiera. Maclagan {J,J,S,B,y LXV, 
p. 60) suggests that Fosltere is for * Fash era ' ; but this does not suit 
SpitiUi's spelling ; nor have we any reason to suppose that Akbar ever 
used such a title. Mr. C. A. Storey has suggested to me that Signore 
della Fostiera may be a translation, or an attempt at a translation, of 
one of the imperial titles. In the superscription of farmans, Akbar 
was usually styled * Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akbar Padshah Ghazi,' 
and the Jesuit version may be an attempt to translate the whole super- 
scription, * Jalal-ud-din ' being rendered by * exalted,' * Akbar Padshah * 
by * great King,' and ' Ghazi ' by * Signore della Fostiera * ; but I 
can offer no explanation of the last word ; the spelling is evidently 

* The reader may like to have SpitiUi's version of this remarkable 
sentence. It runs as foUows : " Et como adesso aspetto per mezzo 
suo altri Padri molto dotti, c'ho mandato k chiamare da Goa, doue lo 



inuiai molti giomi sono, acci6 me li conduca : ne quali confido, che 
da morte mi tormeranno k vita con la buona dottrina loro, si come il 
loro Maestro Giesu Christo venendo da cielo, in terra, diede la vita k 
molti resuscitadoli da morte k vita." 

^ ' Canchena * is for Khan-khanan, the tide held Mirza Abdur 
Rahim Khan, the son of Bairam Khan, at this time commanding in 
Gujarat. Maclagan suggests that ' Raizza ' may stand for Rai Smgh 
of Bikanir {Atn, I, p. 357), and ' Giabiblica' for Raja Ali Khan of 
Khandesh. ' Giabibhca ' might equally well stand for Shihabuddin 
Khan, who in 1590 was governor of Malwa {Ainy I, p. 332) ; but 
it is difficult to understand why either he, or Raja Ali Khan, should 
be styled Captain of Cambayetta. The identification of halting places 
are those given, or suggested, by Maclagan. For ^ Guipar ' Smith 
suggests Klharopar, and for ' Bitasser,' Kalaser, north of Bikanir. As 
the general direction of the route is sufficiently clear, it seems un- 
necessary to make any further ' shots.' 

8 In Spitilli's Italian version this passage is as follows : " Padri 
ch'andate per buoni camini, F6 sapere alle RR. W. che io ho intense 
tutte le leggi del modo si de Gentih de varie sette, come de Mori ; 
eccetto queUa di Christo, che h quella di Dio, & per tale conosciuta & 
pratticata. Et como io sento inclmatione all'amicitia & coursatioe de 
Padri, desidero, che da essi mi sia msegnata questa legge Christiana." 

• In the translation of this letter given by Maclagan {J,A.S,B.y 
LXV, p. 61) this word is wrongly rendered ' Qazis ' (see note 6, 
ch. 11). 

fust en deliberation de Fy renvoyer. According to the report of 
the Provincial, dated Nov., 1 591 (see note on p. 227), Father Christo- 
pher Vega actually was sent back. " When the Fathers saw that the 
Emperor had not decided as they expected, to embrace the Christian 
faith, they proposed to return to Goa, but were bidden by me not 
to do so. Father Edward Leioton (who is one of the Fathers that 
remained there) being expressly ordered not to return, but to remain 
where he was. Father Christopher di Vega, who returned with Father 
Leioton's consent, was sent back by me as he was a great favorite with 
the Emperor, and was told not to come away except it were under an 
oath that he would return " LXV, p. 63). 

Little is known about this second Mission beyond the details 
given in this chapter. At Goa it was regarded as a failure ; but the 
actual cause of its sudden collapse is unknown. The Fathers were 
recalled early in 1592, while it was only in the previous November 
that the Provincial had reported that it had been decided to continue 
the Mission. Maclagan suggests {J,A,8,B,y LVI, p. 64) that there 
may have been a difficulty about the Father's accompanying Akbar to 



Kashmir, whither he proceeded in the spring of 1592. Other diffi- 
culties are, however, hinted at in the Provincial's letter, which ter- 
minated as follows : " Ac jam nostri exercent pueros (uti antea dinmus) 
in lectione & scriptione Lusitanica, similibusque officiis, commodam 
expectantes occasionem, qua cum Rege de rebus fidei familiarius & 
libenus agant, quod ne hue usque facerent, impedimento fuerunt belli 
ductores, qui perpetuo Regi adhaerent, & quibus absentibus ordinarie 
nulla audientia datur. Cumque hujus Regis ad fidem Catholicam tra- 
ductio, maximi fit momenti necessum est, ut dextr^ & suauiter proce- 
datur." From this it is clear that, whatever Akbar's attitude towards 
the Fathers may have been, that of his nobles was distinctly hostile. 
It is quite possible, therefore, that the Fathers failed to display the tact 
and suavity which the situation called for, and that the opposition of 
the nobles became so powerful as to render the continuation of the 
Mission futile. 




Despatch of the Third Mission 

^ Du Jarric derived ids materials for this and the following chapter 
from the report sent by the Provincial at Goa to the General of the 
Society at Rome in November, 1595. This report included a letter 
from Pinheiro written from Cambaya, another from Xavier written 
in August after the arrival of the Mission at Lahore, and a third, also 
from Lahore, dated 3rd September, from Pinheiro. All the above are 
reproduced in Peruschi's work, Du Jarric also made use of chapters 
XXXV and xxxvi of the Historia^ which are based on the same letters, 

* A Profe is a professed monk, one definitely enrolled as a member 
of a monastic order. In his description of Goa {Histoirey Part I), 
du Jarric v^rote : " Nous avons en la mesme cit^ de Goa, une maisort 
de Profes, 1^ ou demeurent ceux, qui vivent d'aumosnes, selon nostre 
institut." The house, he adds, was well built, and in the centre of 
the town. It was ordinarily occupied by about 40 persons, who were 
supported by the liberality of the inhabitants. 

* " There can be little doubt," says Maclagan, " that the members 
of the party were picked men. Jerome Xavier had entered the Society 
at Alcaia twenty-six years previously, and had spent most of his service 
in India, firstly as Rector at Bassein, then at Cochin and finally at Goa. 
Without possessing the enthusiastic asceticism of Aquaviva, he was an 
earnest man of mature age, who had spent most of his life in teaching 
and who had enjoyed positions of trust. For twenty-three years he 
was to remain at the Mogul court ; sometimes in favour, sometimes 
in prison ; working sometimes for the spiritual conversion of Emperors, 
at other times for the material advancement of his compatriots : main- 
taining on the whole a prominent and honoured position, but hke most 
of those who have striven with native courts, finding himself little more 
advanced at the end than at the beginning. At last in 1 6 1 7, he returned 
to Goa, and died there on the 17th June of that year, being at the time 
Archbishop elect of Cranganore " {J^.S,B,y LXV, p. 64). 

Benoist de Goes, one of the most remarkable of the early Jesuit 
missionaries, was bom in the Azores in 1562. He came to India as 
a soldier, and appears at first to have lived a somewhat dissipated life. 
Yule suggests that he was a youth of good family " who enlisted for 



the Indies in consequence of some youthful escapade." At the age of 
twenty-six, however, he became a reformed character, and joined the 
Jesuit Society. After eight years' work with the Mission at Lahore, 
he was selected by the Provincial of Goa to explore the countries of 
Tibet and Cathay and discover the Chnstian communities reported to 
be dwelling in those regions. He departed on this mission early in 
1603. Accompanied only by a single companion, he travelled for four 
years through the heart of inner Asia, and in 1607, after incredible 
hardships, reached the tovm of Sao-chu on the frontiers of China. 
Here for seventeen months he was detained as a prisoner. He con- 
trived to communicate with the Jesuit Mission at Pekin, and friends 
were sent to his assistance ; but he died before they could reach him. 
All his papers, including his diaries, were lost. A brief account of his 
adventures, based on such information as his companion could supply, 
was written by Father Matthew Ricci of the Pekin Mission. " Had 
Benedict's diary," says Yule, " which he is said to have kept in great 
detail, been spared, it would probably have been, to this day, far the 
most valuable geographical record in any European language on the 
subject of the countries through which he travelled, stiU so imperfectly 
knovm " (Cathay and the Way Thither y II, p. 536). Father Ricci's 
account is contained in Yule's book, and some additional details, 
relating mainly to the traveller's imprisonment at Sao-chu, are given 
by du Jarric {Hisioire^ III, pp. 145-162). 

Emmanuel Pinheiro was born in the isle of S. Michel in 1556, and 
j oined the Society in 1 5 7 3 . He spent m all twenty-three years in India, 
and died at Goa in 161 8. " He seems," says Maclagan, " to have been 
the first of the Jesuits on these missions to turn his attention seriously 
to the people rather than the court, and he was for many years pastor 
of a considerable congregation in Lahor ; but he also exercised a certain 
amount of influence with the Emperor." Pinheiro's activities were, 
however, by no means confined to the mission field. He was specially 
employed by the Portuguese authorities at Goa to counteract the 
influence of the English travellers who visited the Mogul court both 
before and after the death of Akbar. From the accounts left to us by 
Fitch, Mildenhall, Hawkins, and Finch, he appears to have been a 
past master in the arts of intrigue, and thoroughly unscrupulous in the 
means he adopted to discredit the English in fiie eyes of die Emperor, 
and to defeat their eflforts to obtain a commercial footing in India. 

* Cambay, or Kambayat, as it was called by Muhammadan writers, 
was at this time the chief sea-port of Gujarat, and one of the busiest 
trading centres in the East. The city, or what is left of it, is situated 
at the north-eastern extremity of the gulf of the same name. William 
Finch, who visited Cambay between 1608 and 161 1, describes it as 



die mart of Gujarat, " and so haunted by the Portugals that you shall 
often find two hundred frigates at once riding there. It aboundeth 
with all sorts of cloth and rich drugges. The bay is 8 cos over, dan- 
gerous to pass by reason of the great bore which drowns many, and 
fiierefore requires guides sblfuU of the tides." The town lost its 
importance as a port owing to the shallowness of the water at the head 
of the gulf, which prevented the approach of large vessels. The 
kingdom of Gujarat was annexed by Akbar in 1572. In 1583 the 
ex-King, Muzaffar Shah, made a determined effort to recover his 
throne. He was severely defeated the following year by Abdur Rahim 
Khan-khanan, but managed to evade capture for nearly eight years. 
He died (probably by his own hand) whilst being conducted to Lahore 
at the end of 1592. The Jesuit writers frequently give the name 
Cambaya to the kingdom, or province of Gujarat. According to Col. 
Tod, the onginal Hindu name of the city was Kkambavati, * City of 
the Pillar ' (see Hobson-Jobson, p. 150), which accounts for such 
speUings as * Cambaet,' ' Cambayetta,' etc. 

' Prince Murad was at this time Governor of Gujarat. War 
against the Deccan Sultanates had been determined on in the previous 
year, and the Khan-khanan, with whom Murad was to co-operate, 
was already advancing from Malwa. Eventually the two forces met 
and proceeded, towards the end of the year (1595), to invest Ahmad- 
nagar. Owing to the discord which arose between the two com- 
manders, and also to the gallant defence of the city by Chand Bibi, 
the operations were unsuccessful, and, early in the following year, 
terms, which Abul Fazl describes as * unworthy,' were agreed upon. 
Chand Bibi ceded to the Mogul the province of Berar, and was left 
in victorious possession of Ahmadnagar. 

• Malik (Melique) was a tide given to the rulers of Nizam-ul- 
Mulkiya (Ahmadnagar), at this time one of the most important of the 
Sultanates of the Deccan. " Texeira says that the King of Decan was 
formerly by the inhabitants called Nezal ul Malucho, that is, the Lance 
of the Kingdom^ and also Malik, or Melik, which signifies King " 
(Ogilby, Asta^ I, p. 245). Maclagan supposes the word Melique to 
refer to Malik Ambar {J,J.S.B,y LXV, p. 80) ; but it was not until 
after the fall of Ah madnagar in 1600 that Malik Ambar raised himself 
to the position of ruler of the unconquered portions of the Ahmadnagar 
kingdom. It seems, therefore, more likely that Melique or Mahk is 
here used to designate the ruhng King, who at the end of 1594. 
was Ibrahim, the son of Burhan-ul-Mulk II. After the death of Ibrahim 
in 1 595, the management of affairs was mainly in the hands of Chand 
Bibi, the sister of Burhan-ul-Mulk, who at the time of the siege of 
Ahmadnagar by Prince Murad was acting as regent for her grand- 



nephew Bahadur. It was the latter who was captured when the fortress 
fell m 1600 (see note 5, ch. ix). 

' Evidently the Persian mahmudu a silver coin current in Surat and 
in the province of Gujarat. Moreland says that a mahmudi was worth 
about I id. in Akbar's day, but was subject to considerable fluctuations. 
Terry put the value at 8d., and Tavemier at 20 pais a. Assuming the 
French Iwre to have been worth 2S. (it was ^ of an /<r«, which was 
generally reckoned as equal to 6s.), the mahmudi was worth, according 
to du Jarric's figures, about lod, 

8 The serious disagreement between Prince Murad and the Khan- 
khanan, who was associated v^ith him in command of the forces sent 
to operate against Ahmadnagar, is referred to at length by Abul Fazl 
{j}ide & D., VI, p. 92). 

* Complete abstension from worldly affairs {Vtikaf) is usually hmited 
to the last ten days of the fas-t, and is practised only by the strictest and 
most devout Moshms. The fast takes place during Ramazan, the ninth 
month of the Muhammadan year. All orthodox Muhammadans fast 
from davm to sunset throughout the entire month. Only the sick, 
pregnant women, and young children are exempt from this observance. 

Ahmadabad vtes the capital of Gujarat ; the English traveller 
Withington (1612-1616) describes it as being " verye neare as bigge 
as London, walled rounde v^th a verye stronge wall, scituate in the 
playne by the river-syde. Here are marchaunts of all places resydinge, 
as well Chrystians as Moores and Gentills. The commodities of this 
place are cloth of gould, silver tissue, veUvets (but not comparable to 
ours), taffetase and other stuffes, and divers druggs, wdth other com- 
modities " (see Foster's Early Travels tn India, p. 206). 

Ogilby (Astay I, 210) says this tomb was at a village called 
Zirkes, or Sirkesia, and describes it as follows : " This structure is 
said to be the tomb of one Cads, tutor to one of the Kings of Zurrate, 
to whom they ascribe great sanctity and wonders ; and that the said 
King, who wdth three other Kings, lies buried in another chapel, built 
the same in commemoration of his tutor. At a certain time of the year 
most of the Mahumetans come hither in pilgrimage, firmly believing 
thereby to obtain pardon for their sins. On one side of it is a large 
pond." In the days of Akbar, Sarkhej was a place of some importance, 
and was specially noted for the production of indigo. It was visited 
by Tavemier, who also mentions a wonderful Pagoda he saw there 
{Travels y Bk. I, ch. v). The name has been spelt in many vsrays : 
Sarquesse, Surkeja, Sarkds, etc. 

^' A woman who performs the hajj must do so in company with her 
husband, or, if he cannot, or will not accompany her, she may go with 
a mahram^ that is, a near relative v^dth whom it is unlawful to marry. 


If she has sufficient means for the journey, and can find a makram to 
escort her, her husband cannot prevent her from making the pilgrimage 
(see Hughes' Dictionary of Islam ^ p. 156). The idea of a temporary 
husband probably arose from a misconception of the latter dispensation. 
The Fathers, as I have elsewhere remarked, made no effort to acquaint 
themselves with the customs of Islam, which they frequently mis- 

^* Patana (Pattan) is distant about sixty miles from Ahmadabad ; 
so that the caravan must have covered, on an average, something hke 
twelve miles a day. 



The Fathers at Court 
1 See note i, ch. vu 

* Prince Salim was twenty-six years old at this time (see note 2, 
ch. III). 

' This was Prince Khusru, who was born in 1587, and was, there- 
fore, eight years of age. 

* Maclagan {J.A,S.B,y LXV, p. 69) has the following note on 
these books : " S. Thomas is Aquinas. Soto is probably Domingo de 
Soto, a scholastic writer of the sixteenth century. S. Antoninus of 
Forcighone lived 138 9- 1459. Sylvester may be the second Pope of 
that name, a considerable writer on theology (d. 1003). Navarrus is 
perhaps Father Juan Aspidueta, surnamed Navarro, Jesuit Missionary 
in Brazil and a connection of the Xaviers (d. 1555). Cardinal Cajetan 
(1470-1 534), who cited Luther at Augsburg, was a writer on Aquinas 
and other subjects. The Commentaries are those of the great Albu- 
querque published by his son in 1557. The Exercitia Spiritualia are 
the Devotions issued by Ignatius Loyola and the * Ars * appears from 
du Jarric's translation to have been a Latin Grammar." 

* We are told in Pmheiro's letter of September 3rd, 1595 (see 
p. 232), that this was the Ft cere x Canaha frater consobrinus B at am as ^ 
that is Muzaffar Husain Mirza, cousin of Shah Abas (Satamas), who 
surrendered Klandahar (Canaha) to Akbar early in 1595. 

* This is a mistake. The letter from which du Jarric now begins 
to quote is that of Pinheiro, dated Sept. 3, 1595. 

^ C.f. Badaoni {Muntakhah-uMazoarikh, Vol. II, p. 314) : "And 
in contempt of Islam ceasing to consider swine and dogs as unclean, 
he kept them in the haram and under the fort, and regarded the going 
to look at them every morning as a religious duty." 

" C.f. Badaoni, who says, " a lot of low and mean fellovTS put 
piously on their necks the collar of the Divine Faith, and called them- 
selves disciples, either from fear, or hope of promotion" (Jin^ I, 
p. 185). Abul Fazl, on the other hand, states that Akbar admitted 
new disciples with caution, and even reluctance, " He even keeps 
back," he says, " many who declare themselves willing to become his 
disciples. He often says, * Why should I claim to guide men, before 


I myself am guided ? ' But when a novice bears on his forehead the 
sign of earnestness of purpose, and he be daily enquiring more and 
more, His Majesty accepts him, and admits him on a Sunday, when 
the world-illuminating sun is in its highest splendour. Notwithstand- 
ing every strictness and reluctance shewn by His Majesty in admitting 
novices, there are many thousands, men of all classes, who have cast 
over their shoulders the mantle of belief, and look upon their conversion 
to the new faith as the means of obtaining every blessing." The cere- 
mony of initiation is then described : " At the above-mentioned time 
of everlasting auspiciousness, the novice with his turban in his hands, 
puts his head on fiie feet of His Majesty. . . . His Majesty, the chosen 
one of God, then stretches out the hand of favour, raises up the 
supphant, and replaces the turban on his head, meaning by these 
symbolical actions that he has raised up a man of pure intentions, who 
from seeming existence, has now entered into real hfe. His Majesty 
then gives the novice the Bhact^ upon which is engraved the ' Great 
Name,' and His Majesty's symbolical motto, Allaku Akbar, This 
teaches the novice the truth that ' The pure Shact and the pure sight 
never err ' " {Ain^ I, p. 165). The Persian word shast signifies * aim ' ; 
it also means anything round, such as a ring, and is applied to the 
Brahminical thread. In this case it evidently refers to the badge of 
initiation given to converts. Blochmann supposes it to refer to the 
likeness of Akbar which, according to Badaoni, disciples of the New 
Faith wore on their turbans {Ain^ I, p. 166). Badaoni is never tired 
of displaying his contempt for those who took the * shact.' He con- 
cludes a list of distinguished Mussalmans who became converts in the 
year 1004 a.h, with the words : " They aU accepted the four degrees 
of faith, and received appointments of Commanders from One Hundred 
to Five Hundred, gave up their beards agreeably to the rules, and thus 
looked like the youths in Paradise. The words mutarask i chand^ or 
* several shavers,' express the tarikh of this event " (tbid,^ p. 208). The 
initiation ceremony is also described by Jahangir m his Memoirs 
{Tuzuk-i'Jahangiri^ I, p. 60). 

• This appears to be the name by which the Jain ascetics of Gujarat 
were known. Thevenot, who describes the sect (FoyageSy Bk. Ill, 
ch. xxxvi), caUs them Vartias. The name is probably the Sanskrit 
vraii, ' an ascetic,' * a devotee.' The Fathers came into contact with 
the sect on their way through Gujarat. Du Jarric appears here to be 
quoting from Pinheiro's letter, not Xavier's. In the former the Verteas 
are thus referred to : " He (Akbar) follows the sect of the Verteas 
who live together like monks in one body and undergo many pene- 
tential observances. They eat nothing that has had life. Before they 
sit down they clean the spot with cotton brushes, in case they should 



sit on and kill some insect. These Verteas hold that the world has 
existed from all eternity; though some of them deny this and hold 
that many worlds have existed m the past. They have also other 
foohsh and ridiculous tenets, with which I need not trouble Your 
Reverence " {y.J,S.B., LXV, p. 70). In Part I of the Hisiotre 
(pp. 494-6), du Jarric describes at some length the doctrines and 
usages of the Verteas. His description is very similar to that given by 

For an account of the Jain gurus who visited the court of Akbar, 
and the extent to which the latter was influenced by their doctrines, see 
Smith's Akbar ^ pp. 166-168. 

From Pimenta's report of Dec, 1599 (^^^ ?• 241)5 we learn that 
these were the children of Mirza Shahrukh, the exiled King of 
Badakshan, who had taken refuge at the court of Akbar {Ain^ I, p. 3 1 2). 

It was not until seven years later, i.e. in 1602, that Akbar was 
induced to issue a farman under his ovm hand and seal, granting per- 
mission to any of his subjects who so desired to accept Christianity 
(see ch. xv below). I have found no copy of the Cambay farman 
issued at this time. The following, however, will serve as an example 
of Akbar's * letters-patent.' It is a copy of a similar mandate issued 
three years later (1598), granting perncdssion for the building of a 
church at Cambay : — 

" (Tughra) Farman of Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akbar, 

Padshah, Ghazi. 

Whereas it has reached our eminent and holy notice that the Padris 
of the Holy Society of Jesus wish to build a house of prayer in the 
city of Cambay ; therefore an exalted royal mandate proper to be 
submitted to, has received the dignity and the honour of being 
issued, to the effect that the dignitaries of the city of Cambay should 
in no case stand in their way, but should allow them to build a 
church so that they may engage themselves in their own worship. 
It is necessary that the order of the Emperor should be obeyed in 
every way. Written on the 25th of the month of Farwardin in the 
42nd year of the Ilahi era. Enough." 

The above is taken from Father Felix's paper on the Mughal 
Farmans, published in the Journal of the Pan jab Historical Society 
for 19 16. The word tughra is the name of a particular style of cali- 
graphy. The royal titles were usually written m the tughra character, 
and hence the word was also used to denote the titles themselves. The 
body of the farman was usually written in the nastahk^ or round-hand 
style. The royal seal was placed on the right-hand side of the tughra 



^2 We read in the 35th chapter of Guzman's Historia (Vol. I, 
p. 259) that when the Fathers passed through Cambay in 1594, on 
their journey to Lahore, certain of the Gentiles and leading men of 
the town told Xavier that " si el Emperador su sefior diesse licencia 
para que se predicasse la ley de Dios, holgarian de ser Christianos 7 
baptizarse, y assi yua el Padre determinado, de pedir esta licencia al 

1' The passage referred to runs as follows : " Les Peres Antoine 
Machade & Pierre Paez de nostre Compagnie avoyent est^ enuoyez U, 
ainsi que les lettres qu'on escriuit du 2. de Decembre Tan 1599 
asseurent ; ou il est aussi porte, que leur arriv^e avoit merueilleuse- 
ment resiouy non seulment les Chrestiens, qui habitent U : may encore 
les Payens ; si bien qu'vn bon marchand Portugais auoit promis de 
faire k ses depens tons les frais, qu'il faudrait pour eux ; voire qui plus 
est les Baneanes, qui sont certains marchans Payens des mieux entendus 
au fait du commerce, vouloient prendre charge de les nounr, & deman- 
doyent instamment leure demeure en Cambaya. L'Archeuesque de 
Goa fust si aise de cette nouvelle, qu'il communiqua 4 ceux qui furent 
deputez k ceste mission ou voyage, tous ses pouvoirs, k. facultez : afin 
de facihter d'auantage la conuersion de ce peuple " {Histotrey I, p. 496). 
The Mission, however, met with much opposition, and appears to have 
come to a speedy termination. We hear of no further attempt to 
convert the people of Cambaya until Father Gaspar Soarez visited the 
town in 1605 (see Histoire^ III, pp. 221 et se^,). Father Felix states 
{Journal of the PanJ, Htst. Soc, 19 16, p. 9), I know not on what 
authority, that the Mission organised in 1595 did not even start. 

^* There is evidendy some confusion here. At this time the Fathers 
received only verbal permission to make converts in Lahore. 



On Tour with the King 

^ Tlie primary authorities for tfie visit to Kaslimir (May to Novem- 
ber, 1 597)? and other events dealt with in this chapter, are : — 

(1) A long letter from Father Xavier to the General of the 
Society, written from Lahore early in 1598. 

(2) A letter from Father Pinheiro written "some time after 
Whitsuntide" (Maclagan, p. 79), 1599. 

(3) The report of the Provincial (Father Pimenta) sent to the 
General of the Society in December, 1599. This report 
contains extracts from Xavier's letter, and from other letters 
received from the same Father, and from Pmheiro. 

Chapters xxxviii and xxxix of Guzman's Historia are based on the 
same letters. Du Jarric took his account partly from Guzman, and 
partly from the letters themselves, considerable portions of which he 
translates. All the above-mentioned letters are contained in Hay's 
De Rebus Japonicis, etc. 

Father Nicolas Pimenta, another of whose letters will be referred to 
in the next chapter, entered the Company in 1 562, at the age of sixteen. 
He was for some years teacher of theology at Evora and Coimbra, and 
was afterwards (in 1 596) sent to India as Visitor. He was placed in 
charge of the Provinces of Goa and Malabar, and remained in India 
till his death, which took place at Goa in 1614. 

* Compare Guerreiro, Part I, p. 1 5, where he states that Akbar's 
devotion to the sun was so great that " autre dia, & noyte Ihe reza dez 
mil ora$6es por hum Rosario que tern de pedras preceosas, das mais 
linhas, & finas do mundo, como Rubis, Diamates, Perlas, Topazeos, & 
outras q por todas faze mil & quinhetas ; as cotas dos estremos se diz 
valerao hu conto de ouro pella fineza das pedras, & affirma o irmao 
Bento de Goes que muytas vezas vie, & tene na mao este Rosario que 
se mao pode encarecer a gram valia delle." 

* This is amply corroborated by Badaoni, who tells us that the 
people used to come every morning " opposite to the window near 
which his Majesty used to pray to the sun, and declared that they had 
made vows not to rinse the mouth, nor to eat and drink, before they 

R ' 241 


had seen the blessed countenance of the Emperor. And every evening 
there was a regular court assembly of needy Hmdus and Musalmans, 
all sorts of people, men and women, healthy and sick, a queer gathering 
and a most terrible crowd. No sooner had his Majesty finished saying 
the thousand and one names of the ' Greater Luminary,' and stepped 
into the balcony, than the whole crowd prostrated themselves. Cheat- 
ing, thieving Brahmans collected another set of one thousand and one 
names of ' His Majesty the Sun,' and told the Emperor that he was 
an incarnation, hke Ram, Krishna and other mfidel Kings ; and though 
Lord of the world, he had assumed his shape, in order to play with the 
people of our planet" {Muntakhab-ut-tawarikh^ Vol. II, p. 336). 

* Badaoni, though he thoroughly disapproved of these religious 
speculations, gives a remarkably accurate description of Akbar's state 
of mind at this time. " His Majesty," he says, " collected the opinions 
of every one, especially of such as were not Muhammadans, retaining 
whatever he approved of, and rejecting everything which was against 
his disposition, and ran counter to his wishes. From his earliest child- 
hood to his manhood, and from his manhood to old age, his Majesty 
has passed through the most various phases, and through aU sorts of 
religious practices and sectarian behefs, and has collected everything 
which people can find m books, with a talent of selection pecuhar to 
him, and a spirit of enquiry opposed to every [Islamitic] principle. 
Thus a faith based on some elementary principles traced itself on the 
mirror of his heart, and as the result of all the influences brought to 
bear on his Majesty, there grew, gradually as the outline on a stone, 
the conviction in his heart that there were sensible men in all religions, 
and abstemious thinkers, and men endowed with miraculous powers, 
among aU nations. If some true knowledge was thus everywhere to 
be found, why should truth be confined to one religion, or to a creed 
like the Islam, which was comparatively new, and scarcely a thousand 
years old ; why should one claim a preference without having 
superiority conferred on itself? " {Atn^ I, p. 179). 

^ This apparently refers to the failure of Murad's attempt to reduce 
the fortress of Ahmadnagar, early in the year 1596. The feast of the 
Nauroz commenced on the ist of the solar month Faridun^ comciding 
with the sprmg equinox, and lasted for eighteen days. The news must, 
therefore, have reached Akbar late in March or early in April. Accord- 
ing to Abul Fazl, the " unworthy treaty " which Murad concluded 
with the defenders was signed on the nth of the preceding month, 
Isfandarmuz {E. ^ jD., VI, p. 94). 

* Du Jarric does Prince Murad too much honour. He was not 
slain in battle, but died of delirium tremens in 1 599. The same mistake 
is made by Ogilby {Asia, I, p. 245) and also by Catrou (ed. 1709, 



p. 167). Ogilby is, however, obviously quoting ' Jarrick,' and Catrou 
very likely followed Ogilby. At first sight the statement looks hke a 
deliberate attempt on the part of some Jesuit writer to conceal the fact 
that Murad, the promising and docile pupil of Monserrate and 
Aquaviva, took to evil courses, and drank himself to death before he 
reached the age of thirty. But a comparison of the text account with 
that of the Htstoria indicates, I think, that du Jarric mis-read or mis- 
interpreted his authority. The passage in the Htstoria (ch. xxxviii, 
p. 266) runs : " le (i e. to Akbar) vimiera muy malas nueuas de la 
guerra que estaua haziendo el Principe su hijo segundo, en los fines de 
Cambaya, contra un hijo del M cliche, senor de Chaul y de otras islas : 
porque le mataron alii casi veynta mil hombres, y los me j ores capitanes 
que tenia " : which clearly means that the bad news which reached 
Akbar from the seat of war was the loss there of twenty thousand men, 
and the best captains that he had. Subsequently (p. 269) Guzman 
says : " Este Principe murio en aquella guerra " ; he would not have 
written murio had he meant to imply that Murad was killed. 

' See Histoirey II, pp. 692—3, where we are told not only that fire 
consumed the palace of the King of China, as a punishment for his 
indifference to the welfare of his soul ; but that in the previous year 
(i 596) the superb edifices built by Taicosama, the then ruler of Japan, 
" pour monstrer sa grandeur & magnificence," were utterly destroyed 
by an earthquake, in consequence of his refusal to permit the preaching 
of the gospel in his capital. " Dicu voulant," as du Jarric piously 
observes, " aduiser ces trois grands Monarques quasi en mesme temps, 
qu'ils n'auoyent pas icy de cit6 permanente, ny demeure stable & 
asseur^e : a ceUe fin qu'ils ny attachassent pas leur coeur : & par mesme 
moyen leur faire cognostre qu'il y a un plus grand Seigneur qu'eux, 
qui commande au ciel & en terre, pouvant chastier & humiher les plus 
grands Princes du monde, quand bon luy semble." 

The fire at Lahore is thus referred to by Abul Fazl, in his account 
of the 42nd (Ilahi) year of the reign : " Suddenly some rue was burnt 
in the face of fortune. Fire seized the preparations for the New Year's 
feast, and the flames went from the court-yard to the holy mansion. 
Apparently, a spark from the royal bedchambers set fire to an awning, 
and then ther^ arose a conflagration. Efforts were made for several 
days to extinguish the fire. ... A remarkable thing was that fhere was 
a similar fire in the quarters of the Prince Murad in the Deccan " 
{Akbamama^ tr. Beveridge). A detailed account of the fire, from 
which the text version appears to be taken, is given in the Annua 
Lttera S octet atis Jesuy anni 1592. These letters (translated into 
Latin by Father Sebastian Beretari) were published at Florence in 
1600. The account is to be found on page 570. 



^ Kashmir was annexed hy Akbar in 1586. 

» Yule {Cai^ay, and the Way Thither, II, p. 53$) says : " I do not 
know what the name Rebat is intended for (proper names in du Jarric 
bemg often sadly mangled), perhaps for Tibet." Yule was right m his 
conjecture, but wrong in attributing the manghng to du Jarric ; this 
had already been done by Pimenta, who, m his report of December, 
1 599, wrote : " Mihi quoque dum in Caximiri agebam, nunciatum 
est, esse in regno Rebat multos Chnstianos & ecclesias, etc. . . That 
Tibet is the country referred to is proved by Xavier's letter of 1598 
on which the text account is based. The passage runs : " Regio haec 
perfrigida est, eamque algidam magis reddunt altissimi quibus cingitur, 
montes : sed cum regno Tebat (quod ilh ab Onente adjacet . . .) 
collata, temperatior, ita ut a gehdis montibus regni Tebat mense Maio 
gregatim & per acies mfinita prope anserum sylvestnum agmina advo- 
lent, & in flumina, que juxta urbem Cascimirium tanquam cahdam 
magis manant & fluunt, se immittant." Xavier's letter is quoted in full 
in Hay's De rebus Japonicis, etc, Du Jarric, who is very careful to 
reproduce the spelling of his authorities, evidently did not use the 
original letter. 

The statement that the King of ' Rebat ' was on friendly terms v^th 
Akbar is confirmed by Abul Fazl. " From the time," says that writer, 
" that Kashmir had been included in the Empire, the ruler of that 
country (Tibet) had continually made supplications." We learn, from 
the same source, that the King of Tibet sent his daughter to Akbar's 

" Cf. Ogilby {Asiay I, p. 201) : *'The chief town of this country 
(Kashmir) bears the same denomination with the kingdom." In a 
previous passage (p. 199) he has stated that " Jarnck gives the name 
of Syranacar both to the chief city of this kingdom, and to the country 
itself" ; but I have been unable to trace the reference to du Jarric. 
Amongst the people of the valley, the name Kashmir is, to this day, 
given to the city of Srinagar. 

Probably the plane-tree {Platanus ortentahs\ known as the 6oin 
in Kashmir, where it flourishes and attains a great size. " It is especially 
valued," says Mr. W. R. Lawrence, " for making presses, and its fine 
grained wood is used for making boxes " {The Valley of Kashmir^ 
p. 82). 

^' This famine commenced in the year 1595 and, according to 
Nur-ul Haqq, raged throughout Hmdustan for more than three years. 
It was accompanied by a pestilence which " depopulated whole houses 
and cities, to say nothing of hamlets and villages." Grain, says the 
same writer, was so scarce that men ate their own kind, and the streets 
and roads were blocked with dead bodies {E. & D., VI, p. 193). 



Abul Fazl gives a brief account of the famine in the Akbamama (iBid.y 
p, 94). The practice of selling children during periods of famine was 
common in India, and of long standing. It is noticed by Barbosa, 
Correa, Linschoten, and other writers both European and Indian. 
Barbosa narrates that during a famine on the Coromandel coast, 
children were sold for less than a rupee (see Moreland, Indta at the 
Death of Akbar^ p. 266). The practice appears even to have been 
legahsed ; for Badaoni states that " at the times of famines and distress, 
parents were allowed to sell their children, but they might buy them 
again, if they acquired means to repay their price " {Ain^ I, p. 207). 

i.e. the language commonly spoken by the people of ' Indostan,' 
as opposed to Persian, the language of the court. The name is now 
restricted, at any rate by Europeans, to the Urdu language {vide 
Maclagan, p. 72). 

1* " This picture or a copy seems to have been preserved for some 
time in Akbar's tomb at Sikandra. See Manuchi-Catrou, p. 135 " 
(Maclagan, p. 76). 

1* Monserrate left Akbar's court in March or April, 1582, and 
returned to Goa (see note 12, ch. 11). 

1* In Xavier's letter he is referred to as Father Abraham de Georgiis, 
the Maronite, who had been killed " on his way to Prester John on 
account of his profession of the Christian faith " (Maclagan, p. 76). 
Father Abraham left Goa to join the Mission in Ethiopia in January, 
1595. To avoid capture by the Turks, who kept a jealous watch on 
the Ethiopian coast to prevent the landing of Christians, the Father 
and an Abyssinian boy, who was his sole attendant, disguised them- 
selves as Armenians. All went well till they arrived at Mazua, an 
island in the Red Sea, almost in reach of their destination. It was the 
holy month of Ramazan, during which every true Moslim fasts from 
davm tiU sunset. One day, in the absence of the Father, the Abyssinian 
boy ventured to assuage the pangs of hunger during forbidden hours. 
The impious act was seen by some Turks, who, by dint of many blows, 
extracted from him the confession that he and his master were Chris- 
tians. The Father was straightway seized and taken before the Turkish 
captain, who offered him the choice of Islam or death. The Father 
was true to his faith, and laid down his life vdth cheerful heroism. 
The story is told in full by du Jarric in a previous chapter (Part II, 
pp. 239-242). The martyrdom of Father Abraham George is 
amongst those depicted on the title-page of the Htstoire. 

These vrretched infants were incarcerated for four years. The 
experiment is thus described by Abul Fazl : " In the 24th year (1578), 
one of the occurrences was the testing of the silent of speech. There 
was a great meeting, and every kind of enlightenment was discussed. 



H. M. said that speecK came to every tribe from hearing, and that 
each remembered from another from the beginning of existence. If 
they arranged that human speech did not reach them, they certamly 
would not have the power of speech. If the fountain of speech 
bubbled over in any one of them, he would regard this as Divine 
speech, and accept it as such. As some who heard this appeared to 
deny it, he, in order to convince them, had a serai built in a place 
which civilized sound did not reach. The newly bom were put into 
that place of experience, and honest and active guards were put over 
them. For a time tongue-tied wetnurses were admitted there. As 
they had closed the door of speech, the place was commonly called 
the Gang Mahal (the dumb-house). On the 29th (Amardad — 9th 
August, 1 5 82) he went out to hunt. That night he stayed in Faizabad, 
and the next day he went with a few special attendants to the house 
of experiment. No cry came from that house of silence, nor was any 
speech heard there. In spite of their four years they had no part of 
the talisman of speech, and nothing came out except the noise of the 
dumb. What the wise Sovereign had understood several years before 
was on this day impressed on the hearts of the formalists and superficial. 
This became a source of instruction to crowds of men " (Akbamama^ 
tr. Beveridge, p. 581). The story is also told by Badaoni, who says 
that " about twenty suckhngs were taken from their mothers, for a 
consideration in money " Qsiuntakhah-ut-tazoankk^ Vol. II, p. 296). 

In a subsequent letter (1604), describing the religious life of the 
Christians at Agra, Xavier wrote : " Every Friday evening in Lent, 
we have a sermon to the Christians ; at the end we show them the 
crucifix which is placed, covered, on the altar, after which the Litany 
is recited, and then as many men as the church can hold (for here in 
Agra it is very small) take the disapline, while the Father recites the 
' Miserere? When these have finished others take their place, until all 
have taken their turn. They take the disciphne across the back, 
according to our custom : so do nearly all the Christians, old and new " 
(Maclagari, p. 90). 

Why the Fathers considered themselves in such imminent peril 
on this occasion is not very apparent. Father Xavier, from whose 
letter the text account is taken, seems to have been more anxious to 
set forth his own and Father Pmheiro's devotion, than to do justice to 
Akbar. His account, moreover, does not tally with what we are told 
in a later chapter of the Histotre, In the early part of Jahangir's reign 
we are again introduced to the Armenian, who now appears in the 
light of a hero, bravely withstanding all the attempts of the King to 
make him abandon Christianity for Islam. The incestuous marriage 
is again referred to ; but the Armenian comes out of the affair very 



differently. So far from his having induced Akbar to take up his case, 
we are told that it was Akbar himself, and one of his wives, who forced 
the unholy union upon him. The lady he married is described this 
time as the sister, not the niece, of his deceased wife. No reference is 
made to his conversion to the * Divine Faith ' (see Htstotre^ III, 
ch. xvii). 

^° Agra came into the possession of Akbar almost immediately after 
the defeat of Hemu at Panipat, in 1556. 

Akbar left Lahore for Agra towards the end of 1598, and re- 
mained at the latter city till July of the following year. 

22 The remainder of this chapter, with the exception of the last 
paragraph, is based on Pinheiro's letter of 1599. 

2^ The Jesuit letters contain several references to the rumour that 
Akbar was poisoned. They do not, however, shed any new light on 
the subject, beyond estabhshing the fact that the rumour was widely 
current before Akbar died, and that suspicion had already fallen on 
Sahm (see p. 204). The various stories to which the rumour gave 
rise are referred to, and discussed, by Mr. Smith on pages 324-326 
of his Akbar, Van den Broecke's story, which Mr. Smith quotes, that 
Akbar took by mistake a poisoned pill which he intended for Mirza 
Ghazi Beg, is also told by Ogilby {Asia^ I, p. 170), and by Peter 
Mundy (gravels ^ II, p. 103). According to Badaoni, this was not 
the first time that Akbar suspected Salim of trying to poison him. He 
says that, in the year 1 591, " the Emperor's constitution became a little 
deranged and he suffered from stomach-ache and cholic, which could 
by no means be removed. In this unconscious state he uttered some 
words which arose from suspicions of his eldest son, and accused him 
of giving him poison, and said : 

' Baba Shaikhu Ji since all this 
Sultanate will devolve on thee, why 
Hast thou made this attack on me \—r- 
To take avvay my life there was no need of injustice, 
I would have given it to thee, if thou hadst asked me ' " 

{Muntakhab'UMawartkh^ tr. Lowe, II, p. 390). The story, at any 
rate as told by Badaoni, is not very convincing. 


At the Seat of War 

^ With this chapter we enter on Part III of the Htstoire, Du Jarric 
brought his second volume to a close when he reached the end of 
Guzman's Hisioria, His account of the period 1 600-1 608 is based 
almost entirely on the Relagam of Guerreiro (see p. xxxii). What may 
be called Guerreiro's narrative commences vdth the eighth paragraph 
of the chapter. The authority for the seven preceding paragraphs is 
the report sent to the General of the Society in December, 1600, by 
Father Pimenta, at that time acting as Visitor. This report was pub- 
lished at Rome in 1602 under the title, Copia d'una [litera] del P. 
Fimenta^ msitator delle Provincia d^ Italia d' India Ortentale al molto 
remrendo P. Claudio Acquaviva prepostto Generale della Compagnia di 
Giessu^ del primo Decembrey r6oo. A Latin version, of which I have 
a copy, was produced the same year (1602) at Mamtz. 

The Jesuit Letters relating to the years 1 601-1603 have not been 
preserved, or, at any rate, their whereabouts are not knovra. For the 
events of this period we have, therefore, to depend on du Jarric and 
Guerreiro, who, unfortunately, seldom name their authorities. Our 
next first-hand evidence is Father Xavier's letter of September 6th, 
1604 (see note i, ch. xix). 

Guerreiro's account of the siege of Asirgarh, which du Jarric repro- 
duces, vdll be found in Part I of the Re la f am, pp. 7-9. 

* This book, according to Maclagan {J^A'S^B,, LXY, p. 82), 
" was doubtless that which was ultimately called * Speculum FeritatiSy 
or ^Aina-i-Haqq-numa^ " It would seem, however, that only a portion 
of the Atna-i'Haqq-numa is referred to, as this work, which consists of 
five Books, was not completed till 1609. It is dedicated to Jahangir 
" as a slight return for past favours, and a humble offering on the 
occasion of his accession " {iiid.y p. 1 1 1). Presumably, therefore, the 
work was still incomplete when it was presented to Jahangir, who 
ascended the throne in 1605. A detailed account of this and other 
works by Father Jerome Xavier is given by Maclagan {ihd,, pp. 1 1 1- 
113). In his letter of December, 1600, Pimenta calls t3iis book 
Lignum Vita J and refers to it thus : " Opus est judicio meo pereru- 
ditum & prolixum, jamque grauiter laborat, ut iUud in linguam 



Persicam, adhibitis quibusdam illius idiomatis peritissimis, traducat. 
Tantos enim in ea progressus fecit hactenus dictus Pater ut ipsi Persse 
cum voluptate eum loquentem axidiant, & tantum non puritatem verb- 
orum, exquisitamque phrasin suspiciant." 

' The Sanskrit word ghat signifies a mountain pass, but is now 
applied to the mountains themselves. This misuse of the word seems 
to have originated with the Portuguese, who took ghat to be equiva- 
lent to serra, a mountain range. 

* This officer was Abdur Rahim, Khan-khanan. In Pimenta's 
report he is styled ' Xanacana.' 

^ This was the fortress of Ahmadnagar, the capture of which had 
been entrusted to the Elhan-khanan and Prince Danyal. Pimenta says : 
" Antecedit eum in bellum Xanacana eius vicarius cu aliis quinqua- 
ginta militum miUibus. Et jampridem fortissimum regni Melique 
propugnaculu, Rege adolescente in vincula coniecto, expugnavit." 
The statement that the young King was made a captive is a sufficient 
proof that the reference is to the fortress of Ahmadnagar. The name 
of the child Eling was Bahadur. He was a grand-nephew of Chand 
Bibi, who had governed Ahmadnagar as regent. After the fall of the 
fortress, Bahadur was sent to Gwalior, where he was kept a prisoner 
for the remainder of his Lfe. 

The Jesuit references to the Deccan campaigns are vague and in- 
accurate. It was before the fall of Ahmadnagar, not after it, as du Jarric 
implies, that Akbar occupied Burhanpur. The news of its fall reached 
him whilst he was engaged in the siege of Asirgarh (Syr). This siege 
commenced in April, 1600, and ended on 17th January, 1601. 
Ahmadnagar fell on or about the i8th August, 1600. 

« i.e. Adil Khan, the ruler of Bijapur. The Portuguese usually 
called him Idalcan, and his kingdom Balagate {vtde Yule's Glossaryy 
p. 431). "There are," Faizi Sirhindi says, "three distinct States in 
the Dakhin. The Nizam-1 Mulkiya (Ahmadnagar), Adil Khaniya 
(Bijapur), and Kutbu-1 Mulbya (Golconda). The settled rule among 
them was, that if a foreign army entered their country, they united 
their forces and fought, notwithstanding the dissensions and quarrels 
they had among themselves. It was also the rule, that when their 
forces were united Nizamu-1 Mulk commanded the centre, Adil EUian 
the right, and Kutbu-1 Mulk the left" {E. ^ D., VI, p. 131). 

' i.e. Burhanpur, the capital of the kingdom of Khandesh. 

8 Father Francisco Corsi, who went to Goa in 1 599, remained in 
India until his death thirty-six years later. He was on intimate terms 
with Sir T. Roe and his chaplain Terry, and used to beg that their 
disagreement on religious matters might be kept from the King. Terry 
describes him as " a Florentine by birth, aged about fifty years, who 



(if lie were indeed what lie seemed to be) was a man of severe life, 
yet of a fair and affable disposition : he lived at that Court as an agent 
for the Portuguese, and had not only free access unto that King, but 
also encouragement and help by gifts, which he sometimes bestowed, 
on him. . . . After his first acquaintance he visited us often, usually 
once a week. And as those of that Society, in other parts of the world, 
were very great intelligencers, so was he there, knowing all news which 
was stirring, and might be had, which he commumcated to us " {V oyage 
to East Indies^ ed. 1777, pp. 422-23). 

* In Gujarat a man of the trading class was called vantyoy from the 
Sanskrit tfanij\ a merchant. Catrou (ed. 1709, p. 68) describes the 
Banians as " the rigidest observers of the laws, and the most scrupulous 
in the point of abstinence from fish and fiesh. As they have their 
residence chiefly in trading towns, and carry on the whole business of 
commerce, they are the more concerned to give good example to 
strangers and to the citizens, over whom they preside in the nature of 
governors. Their charity also, both for man and beast, is in no in- 
stances exceeded by any. Besides their hospitals erected for the sick 
and for orphans, they have founded others for cows, for monkeys, and 
for birds. The Banians would be the best of men, did not the fear of 
being defiled by any commerce with strangers render 'em unconvers- 
able, and their cunning somewhat dangerous to trade." Tavernier says 
that in business the Banians were " a thousand times worse than Jews, 
and more cunning than they are in all kmds of dodges and in malice 
when they wish for revenge " {J^ravels^ ed. Ball, I, p. 136). 

Pimenta in his report styles this person ' Sultan Hamet, capitano 
di Cogi,' which was doubtless his proper designation. ' Cogi ' I take 
to stand for Goga, or ' Ghogeh,' a town on the inner shore of the 
Kathiawar Peninsula, and, in Akbar's time, a port of considerable 
importance. For Sultan Hamet's embassage to Goa, see chapter x. 

The person here mentioned is Mirza Muzaffar Husam, the son, not, 
as stated m the text, of the late king of Gujarat, but of Ibrahim Husain 
Mirza, who was defeated and slain m the Pan jab m 1 57 3 . Soon after his 
father's death Muzaffar was captured by Akbar, whose service he 
eventually entered. In the year 1600, he was sent to besiege fort Lalang ; 
" but he quarrelled with Khwajah Fathullah, and one day, he decamped 
for Guzrat. PIis companions deserted him ; and dressing himself in 
the garb of a faqir he wandered about between Surat and Baglanah, 
when he was caught by Khwajah Waisi and taken before Akbar " 
(Blochmann, Ain^ I, 464). If du Jarric's statement is correct, it must 
have been the force sent to bring in Mirza Muzaffar which Corsi 
joined. Pimenta's report, however, implies that Akbar sent out a force 
in charge of Mirza Muzaffar. Corsi, he says, was escorted by a force 



che tl Mogor mandana in compagnia di Metra Mustafar^ fig^iolo del Re 
di Guzarato. He makes no reference to Muzaffar's attempt to abscond. 

'^^ This name is not once used by either Abul Fazl or Faizi Sirhindi, 
who, m their accounts of the siege of Asirgarh, invariably refer to the 
King as Bahadur, or Bahadur Khan. The latter must, therefore, have 
been the name which was familiar m Akbar's camp ; and it is strange 
that a writer on the spot should not have used it. The name Miran 
was borne by most of the kings of Kandesh ; but neither Bahadur, nor 
his predecessor Ali Khan, seems to have been generally known by it. 
In Pimenta's letter, the name appears as Omiranus, 

This evidently refers to the engagement, known as the battle of 
Supa, which took place early in 1597 between the Ahmadnagar forces 
and the imperial troops under the Khan-khanan. The action was 
fought on the banks of the Godavery, which separated Chand Bibi's 
territory from Berar The battle was very fiercely contested, and 
though the Khan-khanan was left in possession of the field, his losses 
were so heavy that he was unable to follow up his victory. On this 
occasion the ruler of Khandesh, Raja Ali Khan, fought on the side of 
the Moguls. He was blled in the battle ; and it was his son Bahadur 
Khan who, three years later, was besieged by Akbar in the fortress of 
Asirgarh. We are told that when the Imperial troops discovered that 
Raja Ali Khan was killed they plundered his camp, an act which so 
enraged his son Bahadur that from that time he consistently opposed 
Akbar (see Indian Antiquary, 191 8, p. 179). 

Pimenta quotes Goes as his authority for this statement. 
The estimate of the number of guns is considerably in excess of 
that given by Faizi Sirhindi, who says that the number taken was 

15 Cf. Akbamama (tr. Beveridge), III, p. 11 66 : " It is a custom 
of long standing that one of the Faruqis sits on the throne, and the 
others — brothers and relatives — ^remain in confinement. They spend 
their days in obscurity with their families." The author states that 
there were, at this time, as many as twenty-five descendants of Mubarak 
Shah in the fortress. Mubarak Shah reigned until r 566. 

1® Du Jarric's account of the siege of Asirgarh is taken from Part I 
of the Relagam of Guerreiro, being, for the most part, a translation 
from the text of that work. The Jesuit story is so at variance with 
that of the Muhammadan chroniclers, that one might almost imagine 
it referred to a different episode. Ogilby actually was deceived, and 
narrates the capture of two fortresses, one named * Hosser ' and the 
other * Sye/ nothing in the accounts which he read having suggested 
to him that these were the names of the same place. The fall of Hosser 
he attributes to a pestilence ; and in the case of Sye, which he deals 



with at nmch greater length, he quotes almost verbatim du Jarric's 
account (Jsia, I, p. 237). 

It is unfortunate that we do not possess the original Jesuit letters 
relating to this particular period. We know, however, that Father 
Xavier was present with Akbar's army during the siege ; and it is 
therefore possible that it is on his letters that the text account is based. 
Mr. Vmcent Smith had no doubt whatever that this was the case, and 
on the strength of his conviction proclaimed du Jarric's story to be 
" literally true, and deserving of acceptance as being the most authentic 
histor}"- of the events which led to the capitulation of Asirgarh " {Akbar^ 
p. 276), and at the same time denounced the stories of the Muham- 
madan chroniclers as deliberate and systematic forgeries. Whether or 
to what extent this verdict is justified, the reader must judge for 

I have been unable to find any direct evidence m support of Mr. 
Smith's positive statements regarding the source of the text account. 
His assertions appear to have been based on the probabilities of the 
case and a misconception of the nature of du Jarric's composition, with 
which, as with the Relagam of Guerreiro, he was very imperfectly 
acquainted, though he claims to have submitted the former to a critical 
examination. The statement {JkBar, p. 285) that it was du Jarric 
who summarised the letters of Xavier is manifestly incorrect, since, as 
I have said above, the account in the Htstoire is nearly a word for word 
translation of that given in the Relagam, Mr. Smith was apparently 
unaware that the latter work contained a detailed account of "die siege ; 
for he says [ibid,^ p. 282) : " Guerreiro, who gives no details, con- 
firms Du Jarric's (scil. Xavier's) statement that the capitulation was 
obtained by bribery " ; and again (p. 469) he states that, in the 
Relagam^ the fall of Asirgarh " is briefly ascribed to corruption and the 
lavish expenditure of money." And yet, inexplicable though it seems, 
he makes references to, and quotations from Part I of the Relagam, the 
actual volume in which the detailed account of the siege occurs. 

Whatever, then, the primary source of the Jesuit story, it is clearly 
Guerreiro, and not du Jarric, who is responsible for its reproduction. 
This, of course, does not lessen the possibility that it is based on 
Xavier's letters : if anything, it increases it, since Guerreiro is more 
likely to have had access to such letters than du Jarric. Nevertheless, 
we are still left without any definite proof ; and even if such proof 
were forthcoming, we should still, as it seems to me, be without 
adequate grounds for accepting the text account as absolutely and 
literally true, and denouncing as worthless fabrications all statements 
that are not in accord with it, including those made by writers who 
had far better opportunities than Xavier could have had of obtaining 



accurate information. Mr. Smith cites the account of the siege given 
in the Akbamama as an example of Abul Fazl's deliberate perversion 
of the truth (ibid.^ p. 460). In the note which follows, I have given 
my reasons for regardmg this accusation as unfounded and inexcusable. 

Apart from the question of external evidence, there are features m 
the Jesuit story itself which make it difficult to believe that it is based 
on the letters of Xavier, or indeed of any writer who was present 
during the siege. It contains, for example, no mention of the pestilence 
which broke out amongst the defenders. Though the exact nature 
and cause of the outbreak are variously stated by different writers, its 
severity and the heavy losses it entailed on the garrison are too weU 
attested to admit of doubt. Faizi Sirhmdi, who refers to it as one of 
the causes of the surrender, says that the disease caused paralysis of 
the extremities from the waist downwards and also attacked the eyes. 
Abul Fazl says 25,000 people died from it. Firishta puts the death 
roll at 40,000. Would Xavier, who must have heard much about the 
scourge from the Portuguese captives, have written an account of the 
siege without making even a passing reference to it ? Again, the state- 
ment that Muqarrib Khan was put to death by Akbar, and the account 
given of the suicide of the Abyssinian Governor, are completely at 
variance, and chronologically irreconcilable with the narratives of the 
Muhammadan writers (see following note). To Mr. Smith, this is 
proof positive that these narratives are fabrications. To me it rather 
suggests that the writer responsible for the Jesuit version was not 
present during the siege operations, and that he based his account on 
second-hand information lie rehability of which he made no effort to 
test. A third, though perhaps a minor point, is the use of the name 
Miran by the Jesuit writer, instead of Bahadur Khan, the name by 
which the KJing of Kandesh appears to have been known to the 
besiegers (see note 12 above). 

Faizi Sirhindi*s statement that Muqarrib Klhan's death was self- 
inflicted is corroborated in the Zafar-al-Wahh, an Arabic history of 
Gujarat, the text of which was published for die first time in 1910, 
under the editorship of Sir E. Denison Ross. The Zafar-al-Wahk, 
the work of an enhghtened and accomplished author, was written at 
the beginning of the 17th century. The description of the siege of 
Asirgarh, with which it closes, has, therefore, all the importance and 
interest which attaches to a contemporary narrative. 

Mr. Smith says {Akbar, p. 277) that the date of Miran's appear- 
ance before Akbar is not clearly stated. This is incorrect, as is also, 
I think, his assignment of the occurrence to the month of August. The 
date 13 clearly stated by Abul Fazl to have been the 30th of the Ilahi 
month Azar, i.e. about the loth of December. As the same writer 



dates other events of the siege accurately, we are justified in assuming 
that he is correct in this case. It was only twelve days previously, 
namely on the i8th Azar (about November 28), that the Maligarh fort, 
which commanded the main defences, was captured by the besiegers ; 
and it was doubdess the loss of this important position that convinced 
Miran that it was useless to prolong the agony. " On the same day 
that Maligarh was taken," says Abul Fazl, " he (Bahadur Khan) awoke 
from his somnolence, and sent an ambassador to the author. He spoke 
of capitulating and of paying his respects (to Akbar). I did not accept 
the statements and made no reply, but at his earnest entreaty I sent on 
the envoy to court. On 23rd Azar, H.M, sent Ram Das to him, and 
on the fourth day he brought Muqarrib Khan, who was a chosen 
servant of his (Bahadur's). The purport of his message was that if 
the fortress and country were restored to him, and if the prisoners were 
released, he would hasten to submit. H.M. accepted the proposal and 
granted hfe and honour. Next day the Abyssinian (Muqarnb Khan) 
returned and petitioned, 'Now his (Bahadur's) request is that the 
Khan Azim M. Koka would take his hand and bring him to court.' 
This was agreed to, and he (M. Koka) came to Mali, and Bahadur 
Khan descended from Asir. On the 30th he rubbed his forehead on 
the threshold of fortune, and obtained deliverance from his various 
sorrows" {Akbamama^ tr. Beveridge, p. 11 16). 

It will be noticed that no attempt is made m the Akbamama to dis- 
guise the fact that the unfortunate monarch was lured from his den 
by promises which were never intended to be fulfilled. It is obvious, 
therefore, that the author was not laying himself out, as Mr. Smith 
would have us beheve, to hide his master's treachery. If any one knew 
the actual circumstances of Bahadur's submission, it was Abul Fazl ; 
and as he had no apparent motive for dishonesty, we are justified in 
accepting his story of the negotiations, if not as * literally true,' at any 
rate as the most authoritative that we possess. 

The same may be said of his equally candid account of the events 
which followed. From this, we gather that the interval between 
Miran's submission on the loth December, and the final surrender 
of the fortress on 17th January (Abul Fazl says the 7th Bahman, the 
corresponding Ilahi date), was largely employed m efforts to ' buy ' 
the defenders, and that, in the end, the latter agreed to dehver up the 
fortress, provided that, to cover their shame, a letter should be forth- 
coming from Bahadur authorising the surrender. Bahadur yielded to 
pressure, and his letter was sent to the defenders, who, without more 
ado, handed over the keys of the fortress. The passage in the 
Akbamama runs as follows : 

" Though exertions were made to push on the batteries from near 



Korhiaih, and leave was obtained for the bringing of great guns, yet 
secretly all men engaged in enticing tlie garrison. By soothing words 
they drew their hearts towards them. The latter represented that 
some writing of Bahadur should be obtained, addressed to such and 
such an one, so that no stain of a bad name might fall upon them 
for delivering up the fort. They also asked for a firman from H.M., 
securing their Hves, their property, and their honour. This was 
granted. Bahadur Khan for some time hesitated to write, and made 
untrue remarks. When pressure was put upon him, he was com- 
pelled to write, and to put his seal on the writing. H.M.'s order 
was sent into the fort along with this writing, and the terrified ones 
had repose" {Akbamama^ tr. Beveridge, Vol. Ill, p. 1168). 

As so eminent an authority on Indian history as Mr. Vincent Smith 
has denounced Abul Fazl's account of the capitulation of Asirgarh as 
a dehberate falsification of the facts of history, and as I have referred 
to the same account as being, in many respects, more rehable than 
others, not excluding the Jesuit version, it is as well that the reader 
should have before him the text of Mr, Smith's indictment, so that 
he may judge how far I am justified in ignoring it. On page 284 of 
his Akbar, after a paragraph proclaiming the unimpeachable accuracy 
of du Jarric's story, he proceeds as follows : — 

"The conclusions necessarily follow that Akbar was guilty of 
perfidious violation of his solemn oath, that Asirgarh fell because 
the officers of the garrison were bribed, not because 25,000 people 
died of pestilence, and that the contrary statements of the official 
chroniclers are dehberate falsehoods. 

" Even in an Asiatic country in the year 1600 perfidy such as 
Akbar practiced was felt to be discreditable, a deed not to be 
described in plain language by courtly historians. So too the failure 
of that perfidy to accomplish its purpose and the consequent in- 
glorious resort to bribery were not things to be proud of, or fit to 
be inserted m the record of an ever-victorious sovereign. Nothing 
could be done except to tamper with history, which accordingly was 
done. Abul Fazl and Faizi Sirhindi neither knew nor cared what 
story the Jesuit Father might send to Europe. Their business was 
to supply matter suitable for Indian readers. Although they were 
not careful enough to agree in all details, they agree in hiding their 
master's treachery, in ascribing the capitulation wholly or in part 
to pestilence, in ignoring the request for a Portuguese siege-train, 
and in concealing the final recourse to bribery." 

It is, I think, clear, from the extracts already given from the 


Akbamama, that the only one of Mr. Smith's allegations that can, with 
justice, be applied to Abul Fazl, is that relating to the request for a 
Portuguese siege-train, assuming, that is, that such a request was ever 
made. The statement that he attributed the capitulation either wholly, 
or in part, to pestilence is as devoid of foundation as the statement 
that he concealed the final resort to bribery. Abul Fazl does say that 
the garrison was attacked by a pestilence which killed 25,000 people ; 
but nowhere in his account does he refer to it as the cause, or even 
as one of the causes, of the capitulation. " The story of the deadly 
pestilence is," Mr. Smith says, " an invention intended to conceal the 
discreditable means adopted by Akbar to gain possession of the greatest 
fort in India." If Abul Fazl did invent the pestilence, it is obvious 
that he did not do so for the reason here assigned, since he teUs us 
himself that the garrison was tampered with. 

Mr. Smith devotes a lengthy appendix {ikd.y pp. 297-300) to the 
elaboration of his charges. Of this it is necessary to read only the first 
paragraph, as it appears therefrom that he framed his indictment 
against Abul Fazl without even taking the trouble to read that writer's 
account of the siege. On the strength of Professor Dowson's state- 
ment that the history of Faizi Sirhindi is nothing more than a com- 
pilation based in part on the Akbamama of Abul Fazl, he took the 
ill-judged course of trusting solely to the work of the former writer, 
and basing thereon his charges against the latter. 

That Faizi Sirhindi did not take his account of the fall of Asirgarh 
from Abul Fazl, there could be no more conclusive evidence than the 
extracts from his work which Mr. Smith reproduces, and which he 
prefaces with the amazing statement that they are, save where differ- 
ences are noted, " equivalent to passages from Abul Fazl's book." The 
incidents described in these extracts are, in most cases, not even referred 
to in Abul Fazl's book. The chief interest of Faizi's story lies in the 
very fact that it deals with many features of the siege about which 
Abul Fazl, in his more condensed account, says nothing. At the same 
time, the two stories are not, in the mam, irreconcilable. The most 
glaring discrepancy is in the dates assigned to the fall of the fortress. 
Faizi places this on the i8th of the month Safar, 1009 a.h. (August, 
1600), while Abul Fazl gives the correct date, namely, the 17th 
January, i6or. There can, however, be no doubt that this was an 
oversight on Faizi's part, for he has previously stated that the news of 
the fall of Ahmadnagar (which he correctly dates i8th Safar, 1009) 
reached Akbar whilst the siege of Asirgarh was in progress. 

^® Miran was apparently forced to make the sijdah^ or complete 
prostration, a form of obeisance reserved for the Divinity alone, m the 
performance of which the worshipper touches the ground first with 



his nose, and th.en with Kis forehead. It was after the promulgation 
of the Din Ilahi that the stjdak was introduced into the court cere- 
monial. Though Akbar countenanced and appreciated this form of 
salutation, he did not invariably exact it ; and on finding that it gave 
great offence to orthodox Mussalmans, he forbade its use in the general 
assemblies. At the more private audiences, however, he expected the 
stjdah to be performed, and the practice was continued throughout the 
remainder of his reign, and during that of his successor, but was 
formally abohshed by Shah Jahan. 

1® Smith says {Akbar, p. 279) that Miran failed to comply with Ak- 
bar's request that he should write such a letter. This is incorrect. He did 
comply ; though it was after pressure had been brought to bear on him. 

2° This story is more picturesque than convincing. The son of the 
Abyssinian governor, here said to have been murdered by Akbar, is 
clearly the Muqarnb Khan referred to by Abul Fazl and Faizi Sirhindi. 
According to the latter writer, Muqarrib Khan was alive at the end 
of the siege ; and we are led to infer that it was he who carried 
Bahadur's letter to the defenders. The same account states that when 
he (Muqarrib) entered the fort, he was so bitterly reproached by his 
father (Sidi Yakub) " for having thrown his master into bonds and 
surrendered the fort," that he drew his dagger and stabbed himself. 
Muqarrib's father, the vvriter adds, poisoned himself shortly afterwards 
{vtde Mr. Beveridge's note on p. 1171 (Vol. Ill) of the Akbamamd), 
Faizi's story falls so naturally into its place, and has so much more the 
appearance of reahty than that of the Jesuit writer, that I have no 
hesitation in regarding it as the more authoritative. The motive 
assigned in the text account for the suicide of the Abyssinian governor 
borders on the fantastic ; while the reference, in his supposed oration, 
to the approach of winter (i.e. to the * rains,' which commence early 
in July) is wholly inconsistent with Abul Fazl's definite statement that 
Bahadur's submission occurred in December. 

Faizi Sirhindi's description of the manner of Muqarrib Klhan's 
death is confirmed by the independent account in the Zafar-al-WaliL 
According to that work, after Muqarrib had gone to Akbar's camp, 
his father, Mahk Yakub, who is described as old and bhnd, " assembled 
in the royal palace in the fortress all the sons of Mubarak Shah and 
their sons, and said to them, * The fortress is as it was and the garrison 
is as it was. Which of you will accept the throne and will protect the 
honour of your fathers ? ' And not one of them answered him any- 
thing, and he said to them, ' Would to God that ye were women I ' 
And they excused themselves ; and it happened that as he was defend- 
ing the fortress there came up to it his son Muqarrab Khan with a 
message from the King, and Malik Yakub said to his son, * May God 




not show me thy face. Go down to Bahadur and follow him.' And 
he obeyed his order, until at length in the assembly of Abul Fazl he 
stabbed himself in the belly with his dagger, in abasement that his 
father was not content with him, and he died. But Malik Yakub 
Sultani, when he despaired of all the offspring of Mubarak Shah, went 
out to his house, made his will, bathed himself, and had his shroud 
brought. Then he summoned his family and went out to the Mosque 
which he had built, and prayed, and distributed benefits and gave alms, 
and he caused to be dug a grave in a spot which he desired, and then 
he ate opium, for his jealous patriotism was strong upon him, and he 
died and was buried there." This admirably translated passage is quoted 
from Lt.-Col. Sir T. Wolsey Haig's account of the Faruqi Dynasty of 
Khandesh, published in the Indian Antiquary for 1918 (p. 182). The 
picture presented I believe to be substantially true. The author of the 
Jesuit story appears to have discovered it in fragments, and, in the pro- 
cess of reconstructing it, to have put all the pieces in their wrong places. 

The corresponding phrase m the Thesaurus is, Cut Xaverius 
ait . . . , which Mr. Smith, who translates the whole of this passage 
{Akbary p. 280), renders, or misrenders, " Xavier, a shrewd politician, 
artfully replied. ..." I point this out for du Jarric's sake, as I am sure 
he would wish to dissociate himself from Mr. Smith's compliment. 

This circumstance is not mentioned by the Muhammadan 
vmters. Abul Fazl, whose account of the latter part of the siege is 
very brief, merely states : " As it was not imagined that the ruler of 
Khandesh would shut his gates in the face of the World's ruler, a 
siege-train had not been brought. Though, after arrival, by a thousand 
efforts some guns were brought from Pamala, Gawal and Ahmadabad, 
yet from inattention they were not of much use." It is very likely that 
Akbar did ask the Fathers to aid him in getting guns from Goa ; and 
it does not seem greatly to his discredit if he did. The silence of Abul 
Fazl and Faizi Sirhindi probably signifies nothing more than that they 
thought the matter too unimportant to mention. 

quhls se tinssent coys un feu^ jusques h ce que la cholere eut 
passi au Roy, In the Thesaurus we find the following : Idomi protnde 
se conttnerent donee ira regia detumuisset^ which Mr. Smith recklessly 
renders "... to wait at Idomi till ..." A reference to the French 
original would, I think, have made it clear to him that the first ' i ' of 
Idomi has crept in by mistake, and that what Mattba Martinez wrote, 
or intended to vTrite, was, Domi protnde se conttnerent^ etc, 

** Abul Fazl says that the keys of the fortress were surrendered on 
the 7th of the month Bahman, i e. about the 17th of January (1601). 
" I myself," he adds, " sate at the gate, and in four days 34,000 persons 
came out with their families and goods." 




An Embassy to Goa 

^ This chapter is almost a literal translation from the Relagam 
(Part I, ch. III). 

2 Perhaps a picture of the black image of the Virgin in the Santa 
Casa at Lorete. 

® The Arabic word Kalai, meanmg * tin,' is in common use through- 
out India. The metal here referred to was probably tutenag, or the 
* white copper ' of China, which was frequently miscalled * calai ' by 
the Portuguese and other early writers. Tutenag (probably derived 
from the Sanskrit tutiya=-mi^hz\.t of copper) is a Chinese alloy of 
copper, zinc and nikel (see Hobson-Jobson^ pp. 145 and 932). 

* I think that Guerreiro has here misplaced a conversation which 
Akbar had some years previously (it was at the close of the first Mission), 
not with Pinheiro, but with Rudolf Aquaviva. On that occasion, 
Monserrate tells us, Rudolf explained the ceremonial observed at papal 
interviews, and Akbar then bade him inform the Pope that he fully 
appreciated his holiness and dignity, and charged him to kiss his 
Holiness's toe on his behalf. " Intellexisse me, dices, quam ampla, 
atque augusta Summi Pontificis Romani, esse dignitas, quippe qui 
Christi loco in terris sit : et audiuisse me, reges omnes, ad ejus pedes 
accidere : denique te, a me mitti, ut ejus pedes meo nomine osculeris, 
quando ego praesens, osculari coram non possum " {Memoirs^ ji,S.B., 
1914, p. 628). 

* See Introduction, p. xlv. 

* This was Sultan Hamid (capitano di Cogi), referred to on p. 100. 
' " Pour cette cause I'honneur Royal est ending & a procure, qu'vn 

de ses seruiteurs et courtisans ait est^ enuoy^ par forme d'Embassade, 
pour affermir d'auantage les fondemens de I'alliance ; de maniere qu'il 
n'y ait aucune occasion de doubter d'icelle. A ceste occasion le 
P. Benoist de Goes a est6 enuoy^, avec nostre bon serviteur Coget-qui 
Soldan Hama, vers vos quartiers : ou s'estant inform^ auec tout le 
soing et diligence possible des choses, comme elles passent, ils nous 
aduise auec assurance, afin que conformement k I'estat d'vn chacun, 
nostre fortune pouruoye d'y aller, ou enuoyer." The due to these 
unintelligible Imes is to be found in the Re/afam of Guerreiro, where 



the corresponding passage runs : " Por isso a honra real se aplicou & 
procurou que hu dos criados da cotte seja mandado por modo de 
embaxada, pera que faga firmes os allicesse da amizade, de modo que 
nam aja nenhu escrupulo de duuida nella. Por esta causa o Padre 
Bento de Goes foy mandado em copanhia do bo seruidor Cogetqui 
Soltao Sama pera essas partes pera q de certo sayba q genero de pegas 
raras sam estimadas em Portugal^ £ff o modo do camtnho^ ^ o estilo^ 
^ maneira daque lies grades : h. informado co toda a diligecia, & certeza 
de todas as cousas como passao, nos auise co certeza q coforme ao 
estado de cada liu proueja nossa ventura de yr, ou madar." Or in 
EnglisK : " Therefore our royal honour has willed and provided that 
one of the servants of our court may be sent [i.e. to Portugal] as 
ambassador to confirm the treaty of friendship, so that there may hence- 
forth be no cause for doubting it. For this reason the Father Bento 
de Goes is sent with out trusted servant Cogetqui Sultan Sama to your 
parts, in order that he may know with certainty what kind of rarities 
are highly esteemed in Portugal, the manner of journeying there, and 
the style and habits of the Portuguese grandees : and having diligently 
and accurately informed himself how everything is done, he may 
correcdy advise us, so that out auspicious venture of going or sending 
may be conducted in accordance with the status of each one." It wiU 
be noticed that the portion of Guerreiro's version which I have 
itahcised is missing from du Jarric's translation. Possibly his copy of 
the Relagam was mutilated ; or he may have used a manuscript copy 
from which the words m question had been accidentally left out. 
Whatever the explanation, the omission renders the whole passage 
meaningless. Guerreiro's version is by no means free from obscurity, 
and I am far from guaranteeing the accuracy of my rendering ; but 
its general tenor is, I think, plain, and accords with what du Jarric has 
himself told us {vide p. 114), namely, that one of the objects of the 
mission to Goa was to make enquiries as to a suitable present for the 
King of Portugal, to whom it was proposed to send an embassy. The 
last clause is apparently corrupt, and my interpretation of it is little 
more than a guess. Father Colago (Introduction, p. xxxiii) turned 
it into Spanish as follows : " y informado, con toda la diligecia y 
certeza de todas las cosas como passa, nos auise, para que conforme al 
estado de cada uno prouea nuestra ventura de yr 6 embiar." The 
studious exactness of this and of du Jarric*s version justify the assump- 
tion that neither writer knew the meaning of the clause. I know of no 
complete version of Akbar's letter other than that given in the Relagam, 

We hear nothing further of the proposed embassy to Portugal, which 
was probably, as du Jarric surmised, nothing more than an excuse on 
Akbar's part for sending his agent to Goa. 

a 60 


8 i.e. the 9tli day of Fauardi of the Ilahi, or ' divine,' era. This era 
was instituted by Akbar, and commenced with the first year of his 
reign. The Ilahi year was solar, and hence about ten days longer than 
the Hijri year, which is lunar. It began on the nth March, Fauardi, 
or Faridun, being the first month. The names of the other months 
were Ardibihist, Khurdad, Tir, Mardad, Shahryar, Mihr, Aban, Azar, 
Dai, Bahman, and Isfandarmuz. These names were, accordmg to 
Badaoni, the same as at the time of the old Persian Kings, and as given 
in the Ntcabuccib^an. The same writer says that with the new era, 
" fourteen festivals also were introduced corresponding to the feasts of 
the Zoroastrians ; but the feasts of the Musalmans and their glory were 
trodden dovm, the Friday prayer alone being retained, because some 
old, decrepit, silly people used to go to it" {Ainy I, p. 195). Ilahi 
dates are found on the coins of Akbar and his immediate successors ; 
but the Divine Era was little used after his death, and is now, to all 
intents and purposes, obsolete. 

• The 20th March by the new reckoning, and the nth by the old 
(see note 2, ch. xx). 




Father Pigneiro at Lahore 

^ This chapter is an abridgement of chapter iv of the Relagam 
(Part I). 

* In the Relagam he is called justiga mayor. The two officials 
referred to were apparently the Sadr-i-jahanj or Chief-Justice (see 
note 4, ch, xiv), and the Diwan^ or Finance Minister. 

\ The first of the two friendly Viceroys was Khwaja Shamsuddin, 
whom Pinheiro calls Xamaradin {pide the extract from his letter of 
1605 quoted in note 6, ch. xix). Shamsuddin was appointed to the 
Punjab when Akbar set out for the Deccan in 1598. He died at 
Lahore in 1600. He is said to have been a man " of simple manners, 
honest and faithful, and practical in transacting business " {Ain^ I, 
pp. 446-7). He was succeeded in his office by Zain KJian Koka, who 
was also friendly to the Fathers. When Akbar returned from Burhanpur 
in 1 60 1, he summoned Zain Khan to Agra, and sent Qulij Khan, 
whom he had left in charge at Agra during his absence in the Deccan, 
to be Viceroy at Lahore. Zain Khan was one of the most famous of 
Akbar's generals. He was a commander of 5000, and a recipient of 
the high honour of the Alam^ or ' Standard.' In 1 597 his daughter 
was married to Prince Salim. He died at Agra in 1602. Why Sham- 
suddin and Zain Khan should be described as brothers I do not know. 
Probably the mistake arose from the fact that when Shamsuddin died, 
his brodier Khwaja Mumim Khawafi was appointed Diwan of the 
Punjab {Ain^ I, p. 447). 




The Confidence Trick 

^ The story told in tKis chapter is taken from Part I (ch. v) of the 

* i.e. the seed of the Thorn-apple, Datura Stramonium^ a drug much 
used by thieves in India to render their victims helpless. Its effect, 
says Yule, is " to produce temporary alienation of mind, and violent 
laughter, permitting the thief to act unopposed " {flobson-J obson^ 
p. 298). * Datura ' is from dkatura^ the Sanskrit name of the Thorn- 

^ Probably a wooden shutter which it would not be a difficult 
matter to wrench off. " In their upper roomes they have many lights 
and doores to let in the ayre, but use no glass " (Purchas, Vol. II, 
p. 1470). The use of glass in windows was, however, by no means 
unknown. Abul Fazl tells us in the 86th Ain that the price of glass 
for this purpose was R.i for ij sers^ or one pane for 4 dam (Bloch- 
mann, I, p. 224). He elsewhere (88th Airi) estimates z\ sers of glass 
for a window, which would aUow for about two dozen panes. 



Some Notable Conversions 

1 The first four paragraphs of this chapter are taken from ch. vi 
(Part I) of the Re/afam, and the remainder from ch. vii. 

^ This must have been Zain Khan Koka (see note 3, ch. xi). 

3 SAaiM (ht. ' a venerable old man ') is a title given to religious 
teachers, particularly to those of the Sufi sect. In India, however, the 
word is frequently used to denote a convert, or the descendant of a 
convert, to Islam. 

* For a fuU discussion of the origin of the word ' pagoda,' and of 
its three significations, (i) an idol, (2) a temple, (3) a coin, see Yule's 
Hobson-J obson^ pp. 652-657, and Dalgado's Glossano-Luso-AstaticOy 
II, pp. 130-136. Of the various derivations suggested, the two most 
favoured are (i) the Sanskrit bhagavat, 'holy, divine,' or bhagavati^ 
the name of the Goddess Durga, (2) the Persian but-kada^ an idol 
temple. In Yule's view there is " httle doubt that the origin really 
lies between these two." 

* The Portuguese gave the name * Serra ' to the district of Malabar 
on account of its mountainous character. In Book VI of the Histoire^ 
which deals with the activities of the Jesuits in Southern India, du Jarric 
frequently refers to Malabar as La Serre^ ou Montaignes du Malabar^ 
and sometimes simply as La Serre, As the prelate who lost his posses- 
sions and his hfe on this occasion appears to have been an Armenian 
Christian, he cannot have been destined to preside over the Syrian 
Christians of Malabar. Du Jarric seems to have mixed him up with 
another bishop, who was held up at Ormuz at this time, and who 
actually was on his way to Malabar, whither he had been despatched 
by the Patriarch of Babylon. 

Ever since the establishment of the Inquisition at Goa in 1560, the 
Jesuits had been scheming to bring the Christians of Malabar into their 
fold. Their efforts had been vigorously opposed by Mar Abraham, 
the local Nestorian prelate ; and it was not until two years after he 
died, that is, in the year 1599, that they held the synod of Diampre, 
which sealed, at any rate for a time, the fate of Nestorianism m Malabar. 
Before Mar Abraham's death, a request had been sent by the * Mala- 
barees ' to the Patrjarch at Babylon, that he would send them another 



bishop of the same sect. When this came to the ears of the Portuguese, 
the Archbishop of Goa, du Jarric tells us, " manda soubs griefues 
peines & censures au Capitaine d'Ormuz (qui est le lieu par lequel ils 
souloient venir en I'lnde) qu'il ne laissast passer aucun Ecclesiastique 
de Chald^e, de Perse, ou d'Armenie, sans son conge exprez " {Htstotre^ 
III, p. 513). These orders, he adds, were strictly enforced, and the 
Archbishop, who was on his way to Malabar, was turned back with 
his wife, his children, and his followers. 

* In Father Pimenta's letter of ist December, 1600, the same eclipse 
is mentioned, and we are told that the Brahmans of Vijayanagar 
ascribed the phenomenon to the eating up of the sun by Draco, the 
Dragon : " De Solis eclypsi, quae 10 lulii anni hujus 1600 mcidit die 
Lunse sub meridiem, cognouimus eos hominibus persuadere, eam acci- 
dere, quando Draco, que illi inter signa ccelestia annumerant, mordet 
Solem aut Lunam, atque ide6 Rex, aliiq ; ob dolorem & msrorem 
dbo omnique potu toto die abstinuerunt, dicentes. O miseros nos, 
quoniam Draco deuorat Solem." This myth is still current in many 
parts of India. 




A Brave Champion 

^ This chapter is, for the most part, a literal translation of chs. viii 
and (Part I) of the Re/afam. 

* I cannot explain this word* Possibly one of the many Hindu 
names commencing with Sa/a is intended, perhaps Baladeva or Baldeo, 
a name given to the brother of Krishna in the Hindu legends. 

^ Sendi or Skendt is the Marathi word for the ' top-knot ' of the 
Hindu. Amongst the Portuguese spellings of this word are * Xendy,' 
* Xendi,' and ' Xendim.' 

* The ' Nauabo ' presumably held the office of Sadr^ or Sadr-i-jahan^ 
which Blochmann interprets as ' Chief- Justice and Administrator- 
General of the Empire ' \Ain, I, p. vii). Guerreiro styles him justiga 
mayor; but he is not a safe guide, for elsewhere he confers the same 
title on the * Catual.' The account of the Catechumen's case is, 
throughout, confused and rambling. The proceedings, had they been 
clearly described, would have thrown valuable light on a very obscure 
feature of Mogul administration. Unfortunately, however, we can do 
litde more than guess at the nature of the various tribunals before 
whom the case was taken. 

Blochmann (z^zV., p. 270) says that during the reign of Akbar the 
Sadr-i-jahan ranked as the fourth officer of the Empire. His power 
was immense. He was the highest law-officer, and had the powers 
which Admmistrators-General have amongst us ; he was in charge of 
all lands devoted to ecclesiastical and benevolent purposes, and possessed 
an almost unlimited authority of conferring such lands independently 
of the King. He was also the highest ecclesiastical law-officer, and 
might exercise the powers of a High Inquisitor. The holder of the 
office at this time was Miran Sadr Jahan Mufti, whose name coincided 
with the title of his office. He was a member of the Din Ilahi, though 
he appears to have remained a Mussalman at heart. Badaoni thus 
scornfully refers to his conversion : " During the Muharram of 1004, 
Sadr Jahan, mufti of the Empire, who had been promoted to a Com- 
mandership of One Thousand, joined the Divine Faith, as also his two 
over-ambitious sons ; and having taken the Shact of the new religion, 
he ran into the net like a fish, and got his Hazariskip, He even asked 



His Majesty what he was to do with his beard (see note 8, ch. vii), 
when he was told to let it be " {Amy I, p. 208). 

^ The expression intended is rahmat-i-Khuda^ ' may God*s blessing 
be upon you/ not Gkanmat-i-Khuda^ as suggested by Maclagan. The 
point is settled by the Relagam, where the spelling is * rhamathegoda.' 

* The Persian word be-din signifies an unbeliever. Be^^ without/ 
and din=^^ faith/ ' religion.' 

7 Guerreiro says that the Nawab remeteo 0 casa aos Cateris, que he 
hu genero de gentios graves, * Cateri ' is perhaps a corrupt form of 
shastriy a Sanskrit word signifying one skilled in Hindu law, or religious 
books. Maclagan interprets it as Khatri; but this does not seem to 
fit the context. 

^ Guerreiro's version does nothing to elucidate this involved and 
obscure passage. 

® This is a somewhat inflated rendering of the words used by 
Guerreiro : Coxi dos genttos, que he como sen provisory ' the Coxi of the 
Gentiles, who is, as it were, their provisor.' The young convert was 
probably taken before the chief guru of the town, or the head-man of 
his caste. I can offer no explanation of the word ' coxi/ unless it is 
one of the numerous Portuguese spellings of ' caxi * or ' cazique * (see 
note 6, ch. 11). I have, however, found no other instance of this word 
being used of a Hindu divine. 

1° The sol toumoiSy the common sol then in use, was usually taken 
as equivalent to a tenth of a shilling. Twenty-six sols would, therefore, 
be equal to about 2s. yd. The value of the rupee was subject, in 
Akbar's day, to considerable fluctuations ; but its normal value was 
about 2S. 3d. 

The damrty the smallest copper coin in circulation, was, in Akbar's 
time, equal to \ dam, or -g-^ of a rupee. The word dam appears in 
our so-called profane expression, " I don't care a dam " (see Hobson- 
JobsoHy p. 294). 

* Cazique ' here appears to be a mistake for Cazi (Kazi). 


An Imperial Farman 

1 This chapter is taken from Part II (Bk. Ill, ch. v) of the Relagam 

* Akbar was recalled to Agra by the misconduct of his eldest son, 
Prince Salim, who had for some months been in open rebelhon against 
him. The Prince had by this time estabhshed himself at Allahabad, 
where he was engaged in raising troops with a view to marching on 

8 Machado and Goes arrived at Agra during the hot season of 1602, 
i.e. probably in May or June. Goes, it wiU be remembered, had been 
sent to Goa in the previous year, m company with Akbar 's ambassador. 
Sultan Hamid. It was whilst at Goa tiat he received instructions to 
proceed to Cathay. He remained only a short time at Agra, and then 
went to Lahore, whence he set out, in January, 1603, on his eastern 
travels, Machado taking his place at Lahore. The latter has already 
been mentioned as one of the Fathers who were selected to go to 
Cambay in 1595 (see note 13, ch. vii). 

* As already stated, the two friendly Viceroys were Khwaja Sham- 
suddin and Zain Khan Koka. The next to hold the office was Qulij 
Elhan. He was appointed in 1601. According to Abul Fazl, it was 
on the 1 6th of the month Aban that he " obtained leave to go to the 
Panjab. As there was no great officer there, this chosen servant was 
appointed there. It had been proposed that the government of Kabul 
should be entrusted to Shah Quh K. Mahram. He (Quhj Khan) 
asked for the charge of both places (the Panjab and Kabul), and this 
was granted, and an order was issued" (Akbamamay tr. Beveridge, 
p. 1 196). Quhj Khan was one of the most distinguished of Akbar's 
commanders. He had taken a leading part in the operations against 
Daman in 1581, and in the Gujarat campaign of 1583. He was 
appointed Governor of Kabul in 1 594, and of Agra in 1 599. In 1 60 1, 
after the King's return from the Deccan campaign, he became Viceroy 
of Lahore and Governor of Kabul. It was during the operations in 
1 581 that he had been wounded. According to Danvers {Portuguese 
in India, II, p. 43), Qulij Khan challenged Ferdinand de Miranda, 
the commander of a certain Portuguese fort, to single combat. The 
Jatter accepted the challenge, and charged his opponent 30 furiously 



that his spear " passed through Calichan's armour, wounding his breast, 
and flew into pieces. Being tied to the saddle, Calichan retained his 
seat on horseback, but, turning back, retired to his men. After this he 
broke up his camp and marched away. ..." Besides being a man of 
learning, Qulij Khan was a staunch and orthodox Sunni, and, as such, 
looked with little favour on the Fathers and their mission. The latter 
had in consequence no love for Qulij Khan, whom they denounce in 
their letters as a second Nero, a tyrant who " thought no more of 
putting a man to death than of drmking a cup of water," and whose 
name was a terror even to his own people (ptde Maclagan, p. 98). 
Quhj Khan, however, appears to have served Akbar well, and especially 
during the rebeUion of Salim, when his powerful influence deprived 
the Prince of many supporters. In his letter of August 12th, 1605 
(referred to on p. 276), Pinheiro wrote : " The Emperor does nothing 
in the whole kingdom but what is pleasing to the Governor, having 
need of him to govern in these parts in case of a war vTith his son, for 
he is the Prince's open enemy and publicly declares to the Emperor 
that he is his only faithful subject. . . . They looked on Calichao as a 
second Emperor and feared him as a magician, and through his arts 
the Emperor had been induced to put many friends to death, some of 
whom I knew, among others our friend Xencao (Zain Khan Koka), 
the prince's father-in-law, and the defender of our religion " (Maclagan, 
p. 99). The statement that Zain Khan was put to death by Akbar 
is not found elsewhere. According to Blochmann {Atn^ I, 345), his 
death, which occurred in 1602—3, was partly caused by excessive 
drinking. ' S^liJ ' is the Turki word qihj^ * a sword.' 

^ During the i6th century the Portuguese held undisputed com- 
mand of the Indian seas, and controlled all traffic, from the Persian 
Gulf to Mozambique, and from Mozambique to Malacca. " Trade 
on certain routes, and in certain goods, was declared a State monopoly, 
and carried on for the benefit of the King of Portugal or his nominees ; 
outside these limits private shipping was allowed to ply, provided that 
a license had been taken out and paid for, but unhcensed ships were 
treated as prizes of war, and sunk, burnt, or captured as circumstances 
might determine. The administration was, however, exceedingly 
corrupt when judged by modem standards : the high officers were 
as a rule concerned only to make money as quickly as possible, and 
consequently the practical working of the regulations was more elastic 
than IS suggested by their terms ; perhaps it is not too much to say 
that under Portuguese domination Indian merchants could carry on 
almost any trade iey wanted to, provided they understood how to set 
to work, and were prepared to pay the sums demanded for the privi- 
lege " (Moreland, India at the Death ofAkbar^ p. 201). Even Akbar's 



ships wHch carried pilgrims to Mecca were obliged to sail under 
Portuguese license. 

* Guerreiro styles him vendor da fazenda^ equivalent perhaps to the 
Controller of the Household. 

' i.e. the powerful Quhj Khan. 

« Aziz Koka (see note lo, ch. xvi) at this time held the office of 
Vakil ^ or Prime M mister, to which he had been appointed in 1596 
{Ain, I, p. 327). 



A Miraculous Picture 

^ This chapter corresponds with chapter vi of Part II of the Relagam, 
2 Maclagan quotes as follows from the Provincial's report of 1607 ; 
" When once he (Akbar) had listened to the Life of Christ written by 
Jerome Xavier in Persian, he began to reverence highly the pictures of 
Christ and to speak more respectfully of Christ himself, though several 
of the Muhammadans tried to persuade him that Christ's miracles were 
not due to any supernatural power, but to Christ's exceeding skiU as 
a physician, dealing with natural methods." For an account of the 
work here referred to, which was called Miratu4-Quds (The Mirror 
of Purity) or Dastan-t-Mastk (Life of Christ), see J,A,S3., LXV, 
p. no. 

' i.e. Mirza Aziz Koka, Khan-i-Azam (see note 10 below). 

* This presumably is the picture of the Virgin over the high altar 
in the Church of S. Maria del Popolo. Like that m the S. Maria 
Maggiore, it is supposed to be endowed with miraculous powers. It 
was brought from Lateran by Pope Gregory IX during an outbreak 
of plague in Rome. The Madonna del Popolo is another of the 
pictures ascribed to St. Luke. 

* There was no actual church at Agra at this time. The services 
were held in a room of the Fathers' house which had been converted 
into a chapel, as had previously been done in Lahore. The building 
of the church at Agra was commenced in 1603 ( ? 4). In a letter dated 
6th September, 1604, Xavier says : " The first stone was kid with 
great solemnity. Many Muhammadans were present, and were greatly 
edified by the ceremonial which Christians use on these occasions. 
These works are not so expensive here as in other places, being made 
of bricks, lead, and a great part of clay, which is made of a certain kind 
of earth. The chapel will be well finished, though perfect workman- 
ship may be wanting. It will soon be finished, please God. It is badly 
needed, as the Christians are very crowded in our present small chapel " 
{J.J.S,B,^ LXV, p. 93). The building was completed in the reign 
of Jahangir, and, according to Bemier, was pulled down by Shah Jahan. 

« i.e. Bahadur Khan, who had been captured at Asirgarh, and was 
at this time a prisoner at Gwalior. 



' The Spanish gaban is a ram-cloak with a hood attached. The 
garment in question was doubtless from the royal wardrobe. Akbar's 
partiality for European costumes has already been noticed. 

® i.e to her own apartments in the palace. 

' Akbar's delight in and encouragement of the art of painting are 
referred to by Abul Fazl m the 34th Ain (Blochmann, I, pp. 107-8). 
" Most excellent painters," he says, " are now to be found, and master- 
pieces, worthy of a Bihzdd [a famous Persian artist], may be placed at 
the side of the wonderful works of the European painters who have 
attained world-wide fame. More than a hundred painters have become 
famous masters of the art, whilst the number of those who approach 
perfection, or of those who are middling, is very large." The King, 
he adds, and all the grandees of the court, sat for their likenesses, and 
these were preserved in an immense album. 

10 This was Mirza Aziz Koka, better known by his title Khan-i- 
Jzam (lord of magnificence). He had been brought up with Akbar, 
and became one of his greatest generals. " Though often offended by 
his boldness, Akbar would seldom punish him ; he used to say, 
' Between me and Aziz is a river of milk which I cannot cross ' " {Jin^ 
I, 325). For a long time Aziz, who had been brought up a strict 
Mussalman, openly expressed his disapproval of Akbar's religious views. 
In 1594, whilst Governor of Gujarat, he was called to court, but, 
disgusted with the King's contempt for his faith, he disobeyed the 
summons, and set out on a pilgrimage to Mecca. During his stay in 
the holy city he was so badly fleeced, that he returned to India with 
his zeal for Islam considerably abated. He made his peace with Akbar, 
and soon resumed his former position at court. He subsequently 
embraced the Din Ilahi. Aziz was made a commander of 5000 in 
1580. In 1 5 87 his daughter was married to Prince Murad, and a few 
years later another of his daughters was married to Prince Khusru. 
" Aziz," says Blochmann, " was remarkable for ease of address, intelli- 
gence, and his knowledge of history. He also wrote poems. Historians 
quote the following aphorism from his ' pithy ' sayings : ' A man should 
marry four wives — 2l Persian woman to have somebody to talk to ; a 
Khurasani woman, for his housework ; a Hindu woman, for nursing 
his children ; and a woman from Mawarannahr, to have some one to 
whip as a warning for the other three ' " {Atn, I, 327). 

11 This, as Madagan points out, must mean the son of Muzaffar 
Husain Mirza (note 5, ch. vii), as, according to Blochmann {Ain 
I, 314), Muzaffar died in 1 599-1600. 

i.e. Abdullah Khan Usbeg, the powerful ruler of Turan or Trans- 
oxiana, who, throughout his long reign of forty-two years (1556— 
1598), was an active and dangerous rival of the Great Mogul. 



Events of the Year 1602 

^ This chapter is taken from Part II (chap, vii) of the Relagam. 

2 Rum^ the Arabic form of the Latin Roma^ was the name given to 
the Seljukian empire, v^hich extended from the Euphrates to Con- 
stantinople and from the Black Sea to the confines of Syria ; and the 
word ' Rumes ' was accordingly used to designate both the Turks of 
Europe and those of Asiatic Turkey, Du Jarric follows Guerreiro m 
confining this designation to the Turks of Europe. But other vTriters 
have used it in a similarly restricted sense (see Hobson-Jobson^ p. 768). 

» Inayatu-Ua, the author of the supplement to the Akbarnama of 
Abul Fazl, refers to Manuquer's departure as follows : " Manucihr 
the ambassador of the ruler of Persia received valuable presents and 
was allowed to depart. Numerous productions of India were sent 
along vrith him as presents for his Sovereign, and at the time of his 
departure Manucihr received four lakhs of dams in addition to what 
had already been given to him " {Akbarnama^ tr. Beveridge, p. 1223). 

* This circumstance is referred to by Xavier in his letter of Sept. 6, 
1604, as follows : "A young man from the realm of the Emperor, 
captive to a Turk who made him prisoner in the late wars, came hither 
with his master, who set him free, but even when at liberty his fear 
of being retaken was so great that he trembled at every step. The 
Fathers sent him to us at Agra, and we received him and placed him 
with Joao Battista Vechiete who will take him back to his own land ** 
{y.J.8,B., LXV, p. 98). Vechiete was apparently a Florentine mer- 
chant who visited Akbar's court in 1604 (ibtd., p. 95). I have found 
no mention elsewhere of the Turkish embassy here referred to. 

* The story of the release of the prisoners, which took place in 
December, 1603, is told in Xavier's letter of 6th September, 1604. 


Prince Salim 

^ This chapter is taken from Part II (ch. viii) of the Relagam, 
2 The account in the Akbamama (supplement) is as follows : 
" Meanwhile news came that he was proceeding towards the court 
with evil intentions and accompanied by 30,000 horse. A Fate-Hke 
order was issued from the antechamber of wrath and severity to the 
effect that ' He should recognise that his peace and prosperity lay m 
returning to Allahabad. If a desire for service had seized his collar, 
he should come to court unattended.' In as much as his disposition 
was not sincere, he on receipt of this order lost the thread of plan, 
and was mortified, and turned back from Etawah towards Allahabad. 
In reply to the order he used expressions of lamentation, and repre- 
sented his ashamedness, and made excuses unworthy of being heard 
and sent them to the court by the Sadr-i-jahan^^ {Akbamama^ tr. 
Beveridge, p. 1 2 1 1 ) . 

* This is a somewhat inaccurate account of the murder of Abul Fazl, 
though du Jarric appears to have been ignorant of the victim's identity. 
Abul Fazl was not in the neighbourhood of the Prince when Akbar 
sent for him, but in the Deccan ; and it was near Gwalior, whilst on 
his way to obey the King's summons, that he was waylaid and killed 
by the Prince's hired assassins. In the Thesaurus the translator has 
made du Jarric's mistake much worse by rendering the words qui estoit 
auprez de son fils by qui filto adhcerebat, Guerreiro's expression is 
que perto delle (1 e. the Prince) estava. Details of the murder are given 
by Asad Beg {E. ^ Z)., VI, pp. 1 54-160) and in the Akbamama of 
Lanayatu-Uah {tbtd.^ p. 107). For Jahangir's unblushing account of 
his own crime, see tihie Tuzuh-i-J ahangiri, I, pp. 24, 25. 

* The marc was equivalent to about 8 oz. 

* Hamida Begam was not more than seventy-seven years old at this 
time (1604). She was married to Humayun, at the age of fourteen, in 
the year 1541 (see Smith's Akbar^ p. 13). Guerreiro not only states 
that she was ninety years old, but adds that she left behind her hum filho 
de quarenta & noue annos de Hey^ & bisnetos (great-grand-children) 
ia casados & com filhos. Khusru, the son of Salim, and great-grandson 



of the Queen-Mother, was bom in 1 5 8 7 . He was, therefore, seventeen 
years old at this date (1604) ; so that Guerreiro^s statement that he 
akeady had children of his own is quite possibly correct. Salim was 
only eighteen years of age when Khusni was bom. 

■ cf. Akbamama (supplement), p. 1244 " " Suddenly news came 
of the illness of Minam Makani. As she did not approve of the 
expedition, H.M. did not believe in her illness. He thought her illness 
was feigned and did not contemplate returning. Till heart-striking 
news came, and trustworthy persons reported that she was seriously ill 
and that the physicians had given up using medicines. Of necessity 
the loving sovereign gave up the journey and hastened to see his 

' In adopting these signs of mourning Akbar followed the custom 
of the Hindus. In the supplement to the Akbamama (p. 1245) we 
read : " He (Akbar) shaved his hair, moustaches, etc., and cast off his 
turban and donned the garb of woe. He was the first to bear the body 
on his shoulder, and then the grandees conveyed it in turn. The 
cortege proceeded to Delhi, When H.M. had accompanied it some 
distance, he returned to the palace. . . . The body was conveyed to 
Delhi in the period of eleven watches, and laid in the tomb of H.M. 
Jinnat Ashiyam [His Majesty who has his abode in Paradise] 

* Such I take to be the meaning of the phrase, ou il renserre avec 
beaucoup de douceur. The Thesaurus has kuic laudis ilium verbis 
includti, a rendering which naturally puzzled Mr. Smith {pide Akbar, 
p. 330). Guerreiro's words are, 0 fechou em hua casa com muita 
mansidao. In the supplement to the Akbamama^ the Prince's arrest 
is thus described : " He had the prince arrested and conveyed to the 
female apartments. He first reproached him, and after enumerating 
his transgressions gave him many censures. The prince cast his eyes 
on the ground and answered with streaming eyes. Then an order was 
given to the servants to put the prince into a closet and to deprive him 
of wine. This was the hardest of punishments. The prince grieved 
greatly and was much heart-broken. His sisters came and went and 
sympathised with him and comforted him. They also represented the 
contrition and repentance of the prince to H.M. After ten days 
H.M.'s innate kindness prevailed and an order was given for his release. 
By H.M.*s orders he went to his house. H*M. wanted that the prince 
should remain there alone. But as he was specially hopeless about 
prince Daniel, he stayed the retribution of his acts at this point, and 
allowed him his fief and his ranks as before " {Akbamama^ tr. Beveridge, 
p. 1248). 

• Presumably the Miratu-l-Quds (see note 2, ch. xvi), which Xavier 
completed in the year 1602. 



Persecution of the Fathers 

1 Tkis chapter is taken from Part IV (Bk. Ill, ch. in) of the 
Relafam. The primary authority for the first six paragraphs is the 
letter written from Agra by Father Xavier, dated September 6th, 1604. 
The remaining paragraphs are based on a letter addressed to the Pro- 
vincial at Goa by Father Pinheiro, dated August 12th, 1605. The 
originals of both these letters are amongst the Marsden MSS. in the 
British Museum hbrary. Extracts are given by Maclagan {J^.S,B,, 
LXV, pp. 89-106). 

2 This was Mirza Lahauri, the favourite son of Qulij Khan. 
Lahauri's depraved habits and discreditable conduct are referred to by 
Blochmann (Jin, I, 500). 

8 i.e. Abdullah Khan Usbeg, the late ruler of Transoxiana (note 12, 
ch. xvi). 

* i.e. Qulij Khan. 

* In his letter of 6th September, 1604, Xavier wrote that, shortly 
after this outburst, the Viceroy, finding that Father Corsi was going 
on a visit to Agra, and fearing an ill report of his behaviour might reach 
the King, sent for Father Pinheiro, and said to him : " Father, I am 
a friend to you and to the Lord Jesus : no one knows Him better than 
I do. He had the spirit of God and neither prophet nor angel could 
speak as he spoke " (vide Maclagan, p* 97). 

* This date which du Jarric took from the Relagam is clearly a 
mistake on Guerreiro's part for 1604. In the letter referred to in 
note 3, ch. xi. Father Pinheiro gives what purports to be an extract 
from one of these Gentile communications, though how it came into 
his hands does not appear. Or perhaps he is merely stating what he 
had been told was the general tenor of such communications. The 
passage, as translated by Maclagan (p. 100), runs as follows : " As 
concerns the Nawab, it will be sufficient to accuse the Father every 
day of grievous things which even if they are not believed will be 
enough to ^row discredit on him. We can do this the more eaaly 
that his friends the Nawabs Xamaradin and Xencao are dead, and 
the present Nawab Calichicao is hostile to him, as he has shown on 
many occasions because of the religion he preaches. So we shall get 



the Father driven from Lahor and the church, which we hate, 

' Maclagan's suggestion that some frontier disturbance is here 
referred to is probably correct, as Qnli] Khan was Governor of Kabul 
as well as Viceroy of the Pan jab (mde note 4., p. 268). The fugitive 
son was most likely Zaifullah {^sn, I, p. 500), who had seen consider- 
able military service in Afghanistan. The Jesuit account is, however, 
extremely vague, its mam purpose bemg to emphasise, or exaggerate 
Qulij Khan's confusion and disgrace. During the latter 's absence, 
affairs at Lahore were temporarily m the hands of his son Chm QuHj, 
and it was probably to him that the farman mentioned in the next 
paragraph was presented. Chin Quhj is stated to have been "an 
educated, liberal man, well versed m government matters " {^h, I, 
p. 500), 

8 lis estant fresentis au Vi<;eroy avec le sceau^ ou approbation du Prtnce 
{chose ^ui ne se fait guere), Guerreiro's version is equally obscure. 
The letters, he says, were presented to the Viceroy * together with an 
order from the Prince ' : juntamente com a portaria do Principe^ que 
he cousa muy raramente se faz, Pinheiro's letter, on which the account 
is based, states that Akbar first ordered a letter to be vmtten to the 
Viceroy, and that when this proved ineffective, it was followed by a 
regular farman of which the Prince hims^ was the * porvanazi ' {pide 
Maclagan, p. 102). Pinheiro then goes on to define * porvanazi ' 
(j>arzvanchi) as * he who gives an order for a firman.' This is, of course, 
incorrect. The word parwanchi signifies a secretary who drafts a 
parwana or a farman. What part the Prince actually played in the 
preparation of this farman is not clear ; but the document evidently 
carried his seal as well as that of the Kling. This procedure, though 
new, was probably quite regular ; for very considerable authority in 
state affairs, and particularly in regard to the issue and sealing of royal 
grants, appears to have been conferred on thse Pnnce after his sub- 
mission. In the supplement to the Akbamama it is stated that at this 
time " an order was given that the diwans should manage the affairs 
of the kingdom in accordance with the advice of Prince Sultan Salim, 
and that his seal should be affixed to the grants of the officer's mansab '* 
{Akbamama i tr. Beveridge, p. 1257). 

• Though nominally reconciled to his father, the Prince v^ through- 
out this year under suspicion. Akbar knew tfiat, in the event of any- 
further trouble with his son, he could rely on the loyal support of Qulij 
KJian. It seems very unlikely, therefore, that he had any intention of 
putting the latter to death ; and stiU more unhkely that he ever con- 
templated sending an armed force to Lahore under Salim's command. 


The Death of Akbar 

1 Tills chapter is taken from Part IV (Bk. Ill, ch. iv) of the Relagam. 

3 This is according to the new reckonmg. The reformed calendar 
came into use in Roman Cathohc countries in 1582^ in which year 
October 1 5th was made to follow October 4th. According to the old 
style, which remained in force in Great Britain till 1752, Akbar died 
on October 17th, 1605. 

^ According to the Provincial's report of 20th December, 1607, the 
Fathers announced themselves the bearers of healing medicines 
(Maclagan, p, 107). 

* This was Shaikh Farid, more generally known as Mir Murtaza 
Khan. The chief supporters of Khusru were Aziz Koka and Raja 
Man Singh. Asad Beg says that Aziz Koka, on reahzing that Salim's 
succession was assured, came " in great shame, and paid his respects. 
The Prince took not the least notice of his ill-conduct, and bestowed aU 
royal kindness upon him " {E. ^ jD., VI, p. 171). Raja Man Singh, 
says the same writer, took Khusru with him to his own palace, and 
prepared boats, intending to escape to Bengal. The next day, how- 
ever, having received a solemn assurance from Sahm that no harm 
should befadl the Prince, he returned to court, " and brought Sultan 
Khusru to the feet of his royal father.'* 

* ' lorda ' is evidently a mistake for sijdah ; the spelling is Guer- 
reiro's. This account agrees substantially vdth that given by Asad 
Beg. The King, says this writer, was still breathing when the Prince 
arrived. The latter, on entering, " bowed himself at the feet of his 
Majesty. He saw that he was in his last agonies. The King opened 
his eyes, and signed to them to invest him with the turban and robes 
which had been prepared for him, and to gird him vvith his ovm dagger. 
The attendants prostrated themselves and did homage ; at the same 
moment that sovereign, whose sins are forgiven, bowed himself also 
and closed his hfe " y D., VI, p. 171). 

* There seems no reason for doubting the truth of this simple state- 
ment, which is in accord with all that we know of Akbar's attitude 
towards religion. Attempts were doubtless made to conceal the fact 
that Akbar did not die in the profession of Islam ; and such attempts 



would be quite sufficient to account for tlie stories told hy Sir T, Roe 
and Father Botelho, both of whom state that he died as he was 
bom, a Muhammadan. That those present at the last sought to remind 
the dying monarch of their Prophet has no special significance. It is 
the custom throughout Islam for watchers beside a death-bed to repeat 
the Kalimah^ or creed. Hughes {Dictionary of Islam ^ p. 80) quotes 
the following from HerMot's Qanun-i-lslam i "The Kalimutu 'sh- 
shahadah is also read with an audible voice by those present. They 
do not require the patient to read it himself, as at such times he is in 
a distressing state, and not in a fit state of mmd to repeat the Kalimah. 
Most people lie insensible, and cannot even speak, but the pious retain 
their mental faculties and converse till the very last. The following is a 
most senous rule amongst us (Muslims), viz. that if a person desire 
the patient to repeat the Kalimah, and the sick man expire without 
being able to do so, his faith is considered dubious : whilst the man 
who directed him to do so thereby incurs guilt. It is therefore best 
that the sitters-by read it, m anticipation of the hope that the sick man, 
by heanng the sound of it, may bring it to his recollection, and repeat 
it either aloud or in his own mind." 

' In the 72nd Jtn (Blochmann, p. 155) we read : " His Majesty 
abstains much from flesh, so that whole months pass away without his 
touching any animal food, which, though prized by most, is nothing 
thought of by the sage. His august nature cares but little for the 
pleasures of the world. In the course of twenty-four hours, he never 
makes more than one meal." From what Abul Fazl states elsewhere, 
however, we may infer that Akbar's one meal was by no means un- 
substantial. There was, he says, no fixed time for it ; " but the 
servants have always things so far ready, that m the space of an hour 
after the order has been given, a hundred dishes are served up." The 
same writer's description of the imperial kitchens, and the elaborate 
dishes which were daily prepared by " cooks from all countries," shows 
that, if Akbar himself was an abstemious eater, his table was supphed 
with the choicest luxunes that the wealtt of a Mogul emperor could 
command (see Atn^ I, pp. 56-61). 

» cf. the Provincial's report for 1607, quoted in note 2, ch. xvi. 

* Du Jarric follows the spelling of the Relafam. I conclude the 
province referred to is Khandesh. The commoner Portuguese dis- 
tortion of this name was ' Xhander*' 

1* By solar reckomng, Akbar died during the fiftieth year of his 
reign. He ascended the throne in February, 1 5 56, being then fourteen 
years of age. According to Hijri reckoning, he reigned for just over 
fifty-one years, i.e. from Rabi II 963 to Jumadi II 1014. 

1^ "The obsequies of the dead hon," says Smith {Akbar ^ p. 327), 



" were Imrried and perfunctory " ; and the Fathers were evidently 
of the same opinion. Guerreiro concludes his account with these 
words : " Sic transit gloria mundi : hum ordinario fidalgo nosso fora 
levado com mais ordem & apparato funeral." But this is, I think, to 
ignore the customs and traditions of Islam. It must be remembered 
in the first place that, amongst the Sunni Muhammadans of India, 
the wearing of mourning is exceptional ; nor is it enjoined by Islamic 
kw. We are told that Akbar, on the death of his mother, shaved off 
his beard, his eyebrows, and the hair of his head, and clad himself in 
blue garments. But in matters of this kind Akbar was a law unto 
himself. Jahangir, on the other hand, was professedly a Mussalman ; 
and hence his omission of such outward signs of mourning was not in 
itself a mark either of indifference or disrespect. Again, amongst 
Muhammadans, a funeral is never regarded as an occasion for a display 
of grandeur : the proceedings are usually conducted with the utmost 
simplicity. And, lastly, it is strictly enjoined that the obsequies of the 
dead should be performed with haste. " Unlike our Christian custom 
of walking slowly to the grave, the Muhammadans carry their dead 
quickly to the place of mterment ; for Muhammad is related to have 
said that it is good to carry the dead quickly to the grave, to cause 
the righteous person to arrive soon at happiness, and if he is a bad man, 
it is well to put wickedness away from one's shoulders" (Hughes, 
Dictionary of Islam y p. 46). For hke reasons, it is deemed improper 
that a corpse should be kept long in the house {t5td.^ p. 80). The 
hurried nature of the proceedings, the absence of * apparato,' and the 
fact that many of the mourners did not assume a mourning garb, do 
not, therefore, justify the conclusion that Akbar's funeral rites were 
scamped, though they may easily have given that impression to the 
Fathers, who took little trouble to inform themselves of the significance 
of Muhammadan religious customs. The haste that characterized the 
obsequies of the Queen-mother appears to have given them a similar 
impression. But Akbar was far too devoted a son to show disrespect 
for his mother's remains ; and the speed with which the deceased lady 
was carried to her last resting-place was in strict accordance with 
Islamic custom. According to Asad Beg, a rehable chronicler, Akbar 
was buried with all the ceremonies due to his rank ^sf Z)., VI, 
p. 172). It is true, as Smith observes, that Asad Beg was absent in 
the Deccan when Akbar died ; but he must have had ample oppor- 
tunities of obtaining correct information. Moreover, if his absence in 
the Deccan is a sufficient reason for discrediting his account of Akbar's 
funeral, it would seem to be an equally good reason for discrediting 
his account of the death-scene, which Smith would have us regard as 



{N,B, The letter " A " stands for Akbar.) 

Abdullah Khan, Usbeg, 171, 195, 
272, 276 

Abdur Rahim Mirza, Khan- 
khanan, 4.7, 98, 230, 234, 235, 
249, 251 

Abul Fazl, 31, 33, 36, 183, 224^ 
234, 274 

Abul Maali, 211 

Acosta, E., xxvi, 232 

Add Khan (Idalcan), of Bijapur, 
98, 113, 152, 249 

Agra, A's first residence at, 8 , 
haunted by evil spirits, 214 ; 
A moves from Lahore to, 88- 
89 ; returns from Deccan to, 
152 ; building of church at, 
191, 271 ; other references, 
173, 174, 182, 189, 192, 194 

Ahmadabad, 48, 59, 60, 235, 

Ahmadnagar, sieges of, 234, 235, 
242, 249 

Aina-t-Haqq-mLma, 248 

Anv-t-Akban (tr. H. Blochmann), 
212, 214, 215, 2i6, 219, 224, 
225, 229, 237-238, 261, 263, 
266, 272 

Akbar, Intercourse with the 
Fathers, xli; his attitude to- 
vv'ards the Portuguese, xlv- 
xlvi; his descent, i, 2to; his 
name, 3 ; his court, 4 ; his 
wealth and military strength, 
5-7, 212^213 ; costume and 
temperament, 8, 205-207, 215 ; 


amusements, 9 ; methods of 
hunting, 10 ; public audiences, 
II ; first acquaintance with 
Christianity, 14, 217 ; sends 
for Juhan Pereira, 15 ; invites 
Jesuit Fathers from Goa, 17 ; 
welcomes ist Mission, 18 ; 
hears religious debates, 20-21 ; 
his children, 24 ; visits the 
oratory, 25 ; his admiration for 
Christianity, 26-28 ; his doc- 
trinal difficulties, 30-31 ; his 
march to Kabul, 33, 213, 225 ; 
defends his Mullas, 's.a.' his 
friendship witk Aqua^va, 38- 
40 ; celebrates the Assumption, 
44 J sends 2nd invitation to 
Fathers at Goa, 45 ; arranges 
for their journey, 46-47 ; his 
letter to the Fathers, 48-49 ; 
sends 3rd mvitation to Goa, 
51 ; welcomes 3rd Mission, 
62 ; his Hbrary, 63 ; receives a 
vassal prince, 64 ; visits the 
Fathers' chapel, 66 ; worships 
the sun, 68, 72, 74, 241 ; visits 
Kashmir, 75-79 ; gives audi- 
ence to the Fathers, 82-84; 
moves from Lahore to Agra, 
88 ; marches to the Deccan, 
97 ; enters Burhanpur, 102 ; 
besieges Asirgarh, 102-109 ; 
does homage to picture of 
Virgin, iio-iii j sends em- 
bassy to Goa, 113-115 ; his 


letter to tbe Portuguese 
Viceroy, ii6; issues edict 
permitting Hs subjects to 
embrace Christianity, i S 5-1 59 ; 
honours the Madonna di 
Popolo, 165-169 ; releases 
Portuguese prisoners, 180, 273 ; 
prepares for war with Salim, 
182-183 ; his mother's illness 
and death, 188, 275 ; recon- 
ciliation with Salim, 189 ; his 
sickness and death, 203, 278 ,* 
funeral rites, 208, 279-280; 
Jahangir's portrait of, 214 ; 
subject to epilepsy, 9, 215 ; 
his rehgious speculations, 68- 
69, 242 ; the belief that he 
died of poison, 96, 204, 247 ; 
his abstemious (Set, 279 ; his 
age, 279 

Jkbamama, of Abul Fazl, re- 
ferred to, 215, 217, 218, 222, 
224, 22 i), 229, 243, 244, 246, 
251, 253-256, 258, 268, 274, 
275> 277 

Albuquerque, 154 

Alcala, xxvi, 232 

' Alcorana,' 44, 67, 227-228 

Ali, Khalifa, 3, 211 

AH Khan, of Khandesh, 231, 251 

Allahabad, 183, 274 

All Souls College, xxsiii 

Aquaviva, Cardinal, 1 8 

Aquaviva, Father Claud, 18 

Aquaviva, Father Rudolf, family 
of, 18 ; appointed leader of 
1st Mission, l8, 220 ; exhorts A 
to embrace Christianity, 23 ; 
alone at A's court, 38-43 ; 
plots against his hfe, 39 ; his 
austerities, 40, 226 ; sickness 
and return to Goa, 41 ; death 
of, 220 ; other references. 


xlvii, 52, 62, 215, 219, 223, 225, 

229, 259 
Arachosia, 2, 211 
Armenians, 60, 135 
Army, of Akbar, 6, 7, 212-213 
Arras, xxxv 

Asad Beg, JVaqaya^ 274, 278, 280 
Asirgarh (Syr), siege of, 103-109, 

152, 173, 249, 251-258, 271 
Atria, duke of, 18 
Aurangzeb, xlviii 
Ayres de Saldagna, 154 
Aziz Khan Koka (Agiscoa), 158, 

169, 269, 271, 272, 278 

Babur, 3 

Babylon, Patriarch of, 264 
Badakshan, 239 

Badaoni, History of, referred to, 

212, 223, 224, 229, 237, 241, 

246, 247 
Bahadur Khan, of KJiandesh, 

102-105, 108, 164, 235, 249, 

251, 253-258, 271 
Bajazet, i, 210 
Baluchistan, 211 
Banians, 99, 250 
Barbosa, Duarte, 245 
Baroche, 100, 212 
BartoH, Father D., Missione al 

Gran Mogor, 219, 220 
Barze, Father Caspar, 228 
Bassein, 232 
Beas, river, 5, 212 
Bengala, 4, 14, 15, 208, 218 

— islands of, 3, 4, 211 

— revolt m, 32-33, 213, 225 
Berar (Barara), 102, 234, 251 
Beretari, Father Sebastian, 243 
Bernier, Fran9ois, 271 

Besse, Fr. L., xxviii 
Bible, the Royal, 19, 221 
Bihzad, artist, 272 



Bijapur, 249 
Bikanir, 48, 230 
Bordeaux, xxiii, xxx, xxxv 
Botelho, Fatlier Anthony, 279 
Britisli Museum Library, xxxiii, 

xxxvi, 210, 276 
Broecke, P. van den, 247 
Budiwald, G. von, sxriii-xxxiv 
Buda Pesth, 178 

Burhanpur (Breampur), 98, loi, 

102, 152, 175, 249 
Burhanu-l Mulk, 234 

Cabral, Antoine, 14, 217 
Calatm^ HI, 259 
Calicut^ 4 

Cambay, 2, 4, 46, 48 ; 3rd 
Mission at, 52-57 ; Father 
Corsi at, 99, 180, 230, 233-234, 
239, 240, 268 
Caravan, traveUing by, 58, 59 
Cateris^ Hindu judges, 146, 267 
Cathay (Catai), 99 ; 152, 229, 232- 
233, 268 

Catrou, F. F,, Histotre, 210, 242, 

Cazigues, 15, 49, 219, 267 
Chagatai (Chaquata), 2, 132, 211 
Chambal, river, 5 
Chand Bibi, 102, 234, 249 
Chatigam, 116 
Chaul, 73, 107 
Chenab, river, 5 

China, xsdvy xxix, 74, ill, 233, 

Chinghis Khan, 2ii 

Chin Qulij, 277 

Cochin, 232 

Coimbra, xxx, 228, 241 

Colajo, Antonio, S. J., xxmi, 260 

Corsi, Father Francis, joins 3rd 
Mission, 99; his journey to 
Burhanpur, 99-101, 250; at I 


Lahore, 152; his difficulties, 
153-155 ; his intercourse with 
Sir T. Roe, 249 
Coxtf Hindu divine, 146-148, 219, 

Cranganore, 232 
Crasbeeck, Pedro, xodii 

Dalgado, S. R., Glossdno^ 228 , 

Daman, 18, 52, 99, 220, 268 
Damans^ coin, 148, 267 
Danvers, F. C, Portuguese in 

India, 268 
Danyal, Prince, 25, 74, 219, 223, 

249, 275 
Datura, iz^, 263 
De Backer, A., BtbhotMque, 

sxviii, sxsii 
Deccan, campaign in the, 57, 73, 

88, 90, 97-98, 102-109, 182, 

234> 249 
Delhi, 7, 275 

De Noronha, Don Antonio, 217 
De Sousa, Father F., Ortente 

Conqutstado, 219, 220, 221 
Diampre, Synod of, 264 
Dias, Father Peter, 218 
Dtn Ilah, 219, 224, 226, 237-238, 

247> 257. 266, 272 

Divine Era, 117, 261 

Du Jarric, Father P., career and 
work of, xsdii-xm, xxxvii ; 
origin and description of the 
Histoire, xxiii-xxiv; materials 
used, xxxi-xxxii; publication, 
TTTv-xovi ; scarcity of, xxxvi- 
xx-xvi i I Latin version, xxxvii ; 
character and purpose, xxxviii- 
xl; historical value of, xl- 
xliii; references to, X3dx, rscrix, 
219, 221, 228, 232, 240, 247, 


Elephants, use of, in war, 6-7, 

Etkiopia, 18, 84, 245 
Evora, xxxiii, 241 

Faizi Sirhindi, Akharnama of, 

Faria 7 Sousa, Manoel, xxviii 

Fatlipur (Fateful), 8 ; Father 

Pereira at, 15-16; ist Mission 

arrives at, 18 ; 214, 217, 220 

Felix, Father, Mughal Farmans^ 

239, 240 

Finch, William, 233 

Firishta, History^ 253 

Fitch, Ralph, xliu, 211, 233 

Foster, Sir W., Early ^ravels^ 211, 

Gama, Vasco da, 228 
Ganges, river, 5, 102 ; sanctity of, 
148, 211 

George, Father Abraham, 84, 245 

Ghazi Beg, Mirza, 247 

Gladiators, 9, 215 

Goa, xxviii, xliv, 4, 17 ; Leon 
Grimon's embassy to, 45-49, 
5 1, 52 ; House of Frofes at, 52, 
232;^ 57» 83, 90, 102, 113; 
political embassy to, 114-117; 
178, 224 

Godavery, river, 251 

Goes, Benoist de, joins 3rd 
Mission, 52 ; accompanies A to 
Kashmir, 75 ; 80, 85 ; accom- 
pames A to the Deccan, 97; 
109; accompanies embassy to 
Goa, 115-116, 259-260; re- 
turns to Agra, 152 ; his mission 
to Cathay, 229, 232-233, 268 

Goga, 250 

Golconda, 249 

Goldie, Father F., Ftrst Jesuit 
Mission^ 220, 221, 225 


Gregory IX, Pope, 271 
Grenville, Hon. Thomas, X3cxvi 
Grimon, Leon, 45-49, 229 
Guerreiro, Father Farnam, du 
Jarric's correspondence with, 
xxvii; supplies materials for 
Htstovre^ xzviii-xxix ; account 
of, xxxii; mistaken for a 
missionary, xxsiv 

— Relagam of, du Jarric's use of, 
xxxi, zxxii; publication of, 
xxxii ; scarcity of, xxxiii ; mis- 
use of, xxxiv-xxxv ; references 
to, 241, 248, 251-252, 259, 
260, 262, 263, 264, 266, 267, 
268, 271, 273, 276, 277, 278, 

Gujarat, 52, 59, 73, lor, 153, 189, 
211, 233, 235, 238, 253, 268 

Guzman, Father Luis de, xxvi, 

— Htstona of, account of, xxvi ; 
translated by du Jarric, xxvii- 
xxix ; references to, 210, 216, 
218, 223, 226, 227, 240, 241, 
243, 248 

Gwalior, 221, 249, 271, 274 

Haig, Sir T. Wolsey, 258 
Hakim Ah, 225 

Hamida Bano Begam, A's mother, 
43, 167-168 ; death of, 188, 
275,280; 211,274 

Hasan and Husain, sons of A, 

Hawking, 10 

Hawbns, WilHam, xlvui, 233 
Hay, John, De Rebus ya^omds, 

etc.y 210, 241, 244 
Henriques, Father F., 18, 221 
Herbert, Sir T., Travels^ 227 
Hosten, Rev. H., writings of, 209, 

211, 220, 221 



Hughes, T. P., Dictionary of 

Islamy 2363 279, 280 
Humayun, 3, 211, 215, 274 
Hunting, A's metliod of, 10 
Hydaspes, river, 212 

Ibrahim Husain Mirza, 250 
' Idomi,' 258 
Indus, river, 5, 102 

Jahangir, Emperor, xxxiv, xlvi, 

214, 246, 248, 257, 271, 280 
Jams, 239 ^ 

Japan, xxvi, xxviii, 29, 82, 243 

Jesuit Missions, xxxi 

Jesuit Fathers, their missionary 
zeal, xxxix ; their intimacy 
with A, xli ; their political 
activities, xlvi-xlviii ; their 
contempt for alien creeds, 224, 
228, 236, 280 

Jesuit writings, character of, 
xxxix-xl ; xliii-xliv 

Jhilam, river, 5, 212 

Jumna, river, 5, 212 

Kabul, 2, 225, 268 

Kabul, Prince of (Muhammad 
HaHm), 2; A's campaign 
against, 6, 32-33, 212-213, 216, 

Kandahar, 164, 211, 237 
Kashmir (Caiimir), 5 ; visited 

hy A, 75-79 description of, 

75-76; 208,231,244 
Khandesh (Xhander), 164, 208, 

221, 249, 251, 279 
Khan-khanan, see Abdur Rahim 


Khusru,Prince, 237, 272, 274,278 
Kutbu4 MuBdya (Golconda), 249 

Laertius, Father Albert, xxviii, 
xxxii, 215 


Lahauri, Mirza, 276 

Lahore, A's residence at, 8 ; 2nd 
Mission at, 48-50 ; arrival of 
3rd Mission at, 61 ; destructive 
fire at, 74-75, 243 ; A moves to 
Agra from, 88 ; Father Pig- 
nero at, 91-96 ; events at, in 
1602, 1 73-1 8 1 , plots against 
the Fathers at, 195-200 ; other 
references, 71, 79, 87, 88, 240, 
262, 268 

Le Grand, Albert, xxiii 

Leioton, Father Edward, 49-50, 

Linschoten, J. H. van, 224, 245 
Lisbon, xxvii, 59, 220 
Lorete, Notre Dame de, iii, 259 
Loyola, Father Ignatius, 82 
Lucena, Jean de, xxviii-xxx, xxxii 
Luke, St., 221, 271 

Macedon, Philip of, 108 
Machado, Father Anthony, 152, 

240, 268 

Maclagan, Sir E. D , Missions to 
Akhar (J.A.S.B. Ixv), 213, 220, 
223, 226, 230, 232, 234, 237, 
^3% 245, 248, 269, 271, 273, 
274, 276, 277 
Madonna di Popolo, 160-171, 271 
Maffeus, Joannes P., xxv, xxx 
Mah Chuchak Begam, 211 
Mahmudt (Manude), coin, 56, 235 
Malabar, xxviii, 5, ro2, 135, 228, 

241, 264 

— Christians of, 135, 264-265 

Maligarh, fortress, 254 

Mahk Ambar, 234 

Malik Yakub (Abyssinian Gover- 
nor of Asirgarh), 105-106, 253, 

Mansabdari System, 6, 2 1 2-2 13 

Man Singh, Raja, 278 


Manuquer, Persian ambassador, 

177-178, 273 
Mar Abraham, 264 
Martinez, Mattbia, xxxvi 
Mecca, 15, 60, 132, 153, 172 
Menezes, Dom Diogo de, 217 
Mildenball, Jobn, xlvi, xlviii, 233 
Millanges, S., xxiii, xxzr 
Miran, King of Kkandesh, see 

Babadur Kban 
Miranda, Ferdinand de, 268 
Mtratu-l Qudsy 271, 275 
Mir-i-Arz, 215 

Mir-ul-Hajj (Soldan of Mecque), 

IS, 219 
Mogor, I, 210 

Monserrate, Fatber A., joins ist 
Mission, 18, 220 ; tutor to A's 
sons, 36, 223 ; captivity of, 83, 
221 ; accompanies A to Kabul, 

212, 225 ; returns to Goa, 226, 

— Commentarius of, 209, 214, 
215, 216, 219, 220, 221, 224, 
225, 259 

— Relagam of, 209, 210, 211, 

213, 214, 217, 218 
Montanus, Fatber B. Arias, 221 
Moreland, W. H., India at the 

Death oj Akhar, xlv, 224, 245, 

Mubarak Sbab, of Kjbandesb, 251 
Muhammad Hakim, Mirza, see 

Multan, 48 
Mundy, Peter, 247 
Muqarrib IGian, 105-106, 253, 


Murad, Prmce, a pupil of the 
Fathers, 24-25, 223 ; meets 
3rd Mission at Cambay, 54-57 ; 
on service in the Deccan, 54, 
234, 235, 242 ; sends present to 


A from Gujarat, 65 ; defeat and 
death of, 73-74,88,242 ; was sub- 
ject to epilepsy, 21 5 ; married 
to daughter of Aziz Khan, 272 
Murray, Hugh, Dtscoveries^ 221 
Muzafiar Husain Mirza, of Kan- 
dahar, 64-65, 164, 171, 237, 

MuzafEar Husain Mirza, son of 
Ibrahim Husain Mirza, 10 1, 

MuzafFar Khan, Governor of 

Bengal, 225 
MuzafEar Shah, of Gujarat, 23^1 

Narbada, river, 5, 211 
Narsingha, 4, 5, 211 
Nau-roZy 65, 74, 242 
Nizam-ul Mulkiya, 234, 249 
Noer, Count von, vii, xxxiii, xxxv, 

Notre Dame la Maieur, 20, 221 
Nuniz, Farnao, Chronicle^ 213 
Nur-ul Haqq, Tazoankh, 244 

Ogilby, John, Asia^ vi, 234, 235, 

243, 244, 247, 251 
Ormuz, 58, 135, 228, 265 
Osorius, writmgs of, consulted 

by du Jarric, xxx 

Pagoda, 133, 264 
Pahari, see Murad, Prince 
Painting, the art of, 169, 272 
Pattan, 60, 236 

Paul, St , College of, at Goa, 17, 

219, 220 
Pegu, 116 
Pekin, 233 

Pereira, Father Julian, sent for by 
A, 1 5 ; disputes with Mullas, 
15-16 1 209, 214, 218 

Peres, Dominic, 17, 219 

Persia, 3, 5, 6, 178 


Penisclii, Battista, Informatione, 
209-210 ; referred to, 211, 
212, 218, 223, 224, 232 

Philippe, Jacques, 185, 186 

Pimenta, Father N., 239, 241, 
248, 265, 271 

Pinheiro, Father Emanuel (Pig- 
nero), joins 3rd Mission, 52, 
233 ; zeal of, 53 ; baptises con- 
verts at Lahore, 91-93 ; visits 
A at Burhanpur, II0-113 ; at 
Lahore 1 600-1, 11 8-1 21 ; his 
house ransacked hj thieves, 
122-126 ; conducts Christmas 
and Easter celebrations, 126- 
1 30 ; converts baptised by him, 
130-134, 1 37-1 5 1 ; goes to 
Agra, 152-158 ; takes the 
Madonna diPopolo to A, 165- 
166 ; baptises sons of Persian 
Ambassador, 177 ; political 
activities of, xlvi, 233 

— letters of, referred to, 65, 88, 
232, 238, 239, 241, 247, 269, 

Platinus, Bible of, 221 

Porto Grande, 218 

Porto Peqmno, 218 

Portuguese, relations with A, 
xliv-xlv ; Eastern policy of, 
xlvii ; maritime power of, xlvi, 
153, 269-270 

Qulij Khan, 153-155 J his per- 
secution of the Fathers, 195- 
200, 276 ; 262, 268-269 

Ranthambur, 173 
Ravi, river, 5 

Rebat (Tibet), 75, 76, 244 
Ricci, Father Matthew, 233 
Rodrigues, George, xxxiii 
Roe, Sir T., 250, 279 

Ross, Sir E. Denison, 253 
Rumes, 174, 273 
Rupee, value of, 148, 267 

Sadr-i-jahan, 262, 266 
Saldagna, Ayres de, 116 
Salim, Prince, attitude of the 
Fathers towards, xli ; his name, 
24, 223 ; welcomes 3rd Mis- 
sion, 63 ; his devotion to the 
Virgin, 66-6^ i attacked by a 
Honess, 79-80 ; praises the 
Christian faith, 82 ; sends help 
to Portuguese prisoners, 181 ; 
rebels against A, 182-189, 268, 
269 ; murders Abul Fazl, 183, 
274 ; his intimacy with the 
Fathers, 183-185 ; writes to 
Xavier, 186-187 ? summoned 
to Agra and confined, 188, 275 ; 
reconciled with A, 189 ; reads 
l^he Mirror of Purity, 190 ; pro- 
vides for a church at Agra, 191 ; 
attends A's death-be,d5 204, 
278 ; appointed successor to 
the throne, 205 ; at A's funeral, 
208, 280. See Jakangir 
Salim Chisti, Shaikh, 223 
Salsette, 220 
Sao-chu, 233 
Sarkhej, 235 
Shah Abbas, 237 
Shah Jahan, xlviii, 215, 257, 271 
Shah Mansur, Khwaja, 216 
Shahrukh, Mirza, 237 
Shah Tahmasp L, 21 1 
Shaikh Farid, 278 
Shaikhs, 131, 264 
Shamsuddin, Khwaja, 262,^268, 

S hasty symbol, 238 
Shipping, control of, by Portu- 
guese, 153, 269-270 



Stjdahf 205, 256 
Sind, 56, 57, 211 
Sironj, 221 

Slavery, practised in India, 28, 224 
Smith, V. A., his references to 
Guerreiro, xxxHi, xxxv, 252 ; 
his use of the Histotrey xxxvii ; 
on the siege of Asirgarh, 252, 
253-256, 258 ; his attack on 
Abnl Fazl, 255-256 ; his Ahhar 
referred to, 216, 217, 225, 239, 
252, 254-256, 279, 280 
Soarez, Father Caspar, 240 
Spitilli, Father, writings of, 213, 

227, 229, 230 
Snnagar, 244 

Sultan Hamid (Soldan Hamet), 
100, 114-117, 250, 259, 260 

Sun, A's worship of, 68, 72, 73, 
241, 242 

Sun, echpse of, 136, 265 

Supa, battle of, 251 

Surat, 18, 54,217, 235 

Sutlej, river, 5, 212 

Taicosama, 243 
Tamerlane, i, 2 
Tapti, river, 5, 211 
Tavaro, Pierre, 14, 218 
Tavernier, Jean B., Travels^ zig, 

235, 250 
Teixeiro, P. Pedro, Travels, 228, 


Tenreiro, Antonio, Ittnerario, 228 
Terry, Rev. E., Voyage to East 

India, 235, 249 
Thesaurus Rerum Indtcarum, 

axsvi-rocvii, 215, 258, 274, 275 
Thevenot, J. de, Voyages, 238 
Tibet, 233, 244 
Transoxiana, 211, 272, 276 
Turcs, 2, 174, 178, 273 
Tursellin (Torsellino), xxv 


Tuzuk-t-Jahangirt, zi/\., 223, 238 
Ujjain, 221 

Varthema, L. di, Travels, 213 
Vaz, Father Anthony, 218 
Vechiete, Joao B., 273 
Vega, Father Christopher, 49-50, 

Verteas, Sect of, 69, 238 
Vijayanagar (Bisnagar), 102, 211, 
213, 265 

Waqai-navis, 216 
Witliington, Nicolas, narrative of, 

Xavier, St. Francis, xxv, xxviii, 
xxix, XXX, 219 

Xavier, Father Jerome, political 
activity of, xlvi ; leader of 3rd 
Mission, 52 ; obtains letters- 
patent from A, 70-71 ; accom- 
panies A to Kashmir, 75-79 ; 
interviews with A, 82-84, 86- 
88, 90-91 ; accompanies A to 
Agra, 89 ; and to the Deccan, 
97 ; writes The Fountain of 
97; at the siege of 
Asirgarh, 107-109, 252 ; re- 
turns to Agra, 152 obtains 
release of Portuguese prisoners, 
1 80-1 8 1 ; correspondence with 
Salim, 184-185, 187 ; works of, 
248, 271, 275 

— letters of, referred to, 66-68, 
226, 232, 238, 241, 244, 246, 
271, 273, 276 

Yogis, 53, 59 

Yule, Col. Sir H., Cathay and the 
Way Thither, 232-233, 244 

Zafar-al-Walth, 253, 257 
Zain Khan Koka (Xencao), 262, 
264, 268, 269, 276